| Compiled
by the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe,
March 1997 |
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REPORT
ON THE 80S ATROCITIES IN MATABELELAND AND THE MIDLANDS
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THE
DAMNING EVIDENCE THEY DIDN'T WANT YOU TO SEE |
PREFACE
THE
writing of the report in 1997 was possible only because Zimbabwe
was enjoying a period of stability and national unity which did
not exist ten years before. The country now known as Zimbabwe
has, in the last hundred years, had a history marred by internal
conflicts: the current state of peace in the nation is unprecedented.
The signing of the Unity Accord in December 1987 brought an end
to the disturbances which this report documents. In 1990, the
lifting of the Emergency Powers Regulations, which had been in
existence since the Rhodesian Government first instituted them
in 1965, did away with the Zimbabwe Government's extra legal powers,
many of which had allowed for the infringement of basic human
rights. Zimbabwe's current human rights record, while still not
perfect, is better than it has ever been since Independence in
1980.
The
disturbances documented in this report also need to be placed
in a historical context. Zimbabwe did not come to Independence
easily: the decade which preceded Independence was one which saw
the fighting of an increasingly violent civil war, a war which
cost many thousands of civilian lives and caused untold hardship
and suffering. While the full number of casualties will never
be known, it has been estimated that at least 30 000 people died
countrywide, although real numbers of dead could be more than
double this figure. Most of these casualties were in the north
and eastern regions of Zimbabwe, or in external training and refugee
camps in Zambia and Mozambique, although there was no region of
the country that was not severely affected by the Liberation War.
As
in any conflict, damage cannot be measured in deaths alone: tens
of thousands of Zimbabweans were displaced from their rural homes
in northern and eastern Zimbabwe into "Protected Villages"
(PVs), run by the Rhodesian Defence Forces. The relocation of people
into these PVs was done in an effort to prevent rural civilians
from feeding, and providing intelligence to, the guerrilla armies:
conditions were cruel, and led to massive human rights abuses, including
wide-spread malnutrition. The PV policy was combined with "Operation
Turkey", the code name given to the policy of destroying crops
in rural areas in an attempt to cut the guerrillas off from their
food supplies. Needless to say, such a policy also impacted adversely
on innocent civilians, exacerbating the starvation already being
caused by life in the PVs. The placing of people in PVs was a form
of state organised violence against civilians: no doubt many, especially
children raised in such places, still suffer the mental consequences
of this experience.
Thousands
of civilians were also detained indefinitely without trial during
the 1970s, including many of those at the forefront of the nationalist
movements, ZANU and ZAPU. President Robert Mugabe and Vice President
Joshua Nkomo were both detained for many years.
Thousands
of young men and women who left the country to train as freedom
fighters also sacrificed their own opportunities to gain an education,
while others ended the war with permanent physical or mental disabilities.
While there are legal mechanisms in place through which war veterans
can claim help and compensation, not all ex-fighters are aware of
this, or know how to take advantage of the law. For many hundreds,
possibly thousands, of war veterans and their families, the hardship
continues.
It
is also acknowledged that since Independence, Matabeleland and the
Midlands are not the only parts of the country to have suffered
as the result of internal disturbances. In the late 1980s, there
were human rights abuses in the eastern districts of the country,
as a result of MNR bandit activity. The South African-backed, Mozambique-based
MNR bandits were responsible for serious human rights abuses, particularly
in Mount Darwin in the north east of Zimbabwe and in Chipinge in
the south east, from 1988 onwards. While these abuses involved only
small areas of the country, their effects were extremely harsh for
those civilians involved. Scores of innocent people in this region
were murdered, mutilated, or had to live with daily insecurity as
a result of this conflict.
The
injustices and suffering caused by ninety years of colonial rule,
and in particular by the ten years of civil war that brought Zimbabwe
to Independence, have been well documented. The Catholic Commission
for Justice and Peace (CCJP) has played an important role in this
process. As one of the few independent human rights organisations
active in the country, CCJP played an important, politically impartial
role in the 1970s: they were able to collect evidence of human rights
abuses committed by the Rhodesian Defence Forces, and were able
to publicise these abuses internationally. CCJP facilitated the
international publication of several reports, including The Man
in the Middle (May 1975), and The Civil War in Rhodesia (August
1976), both published by the Catholic Institute for International
Relations (CIIR) in England. Since Independence, CCJP archival information
has also been used to document the history of the 1970s. In 1992
Reaching for Justice, a history of CCJP was published (Mambo Press),
and in the same year a CCJP video entitled Caught in the Crossfire
was released: this detailed the plight of rural Zimbabweans in the
Liberation War. Apart from CCJP, many other individuals and organisations
have also recorded aspects of pre-Independence history. This process
of documentation means that a crucial period in Zimbabwean history
is on permanent record for the generations yet to come.
The
whole southern African region is now enjoying unprecedented peace
and stability. The coming of Independence in South Africa drew to
a close the colonial history of Africa. It also began a new process
of accountability, and highlighted the realisation that true reconciliation
between people who have traditionally been opposed, is often best
facilitated by honest public acknowledgement of the past. This process
need not be vitriolic, but it is important, particularly to victims,
to have their suffering publicly acknowledged. While the suffering
caused by colonial rule is widely documented and internationally
recognised, the suffering in Matabeleland and the Midlands in the
1980s is a history that is unknown except to those who experienced
it at first hand. It is also apparent that while the signing of
the Unity accord in December 1987 was an important step towards
national reconciliation in Zimbabwe, there nonetheless remains in
rural Matabeleland a deep seated mistrust of the Government, and
a fear that events of the 1980s could be repeated in the future.
This
report acknowledges the historical context within which events of
the 1980s occurred, and does not seek to apportion blame. It seeks
merely to break the silence surrounding this phase in the nation's
history, by allowing approximately one thousand people who have
approached the report compilers in the last year, a chance to tell
the stories they want told. It is hoped that greater openness will
lead to greater reconciliation. At the same time, the report alone
cannot result in reconciliation: it is therefore accompanied by
a Project Proposal, which puts forward some concrete suggestions
as to how the hardship caused by the 1980s disturbances can now
be redressed. |