|
|||||||||||||||||
|
|||||||||||||||||
| THE
MUTUMWA MAWERE COLUMN |
|||||||||||||||||
|
By Mutumwa
D. Mawere The past 28 years has had the combined effect of creating an environment of fear, doubt and cynicism. The demons of the past have not been exorcised and people in general are looking for a break from the divisive politics of yesterday and yet the key political actors on the scene carry their own peculiar baggage. Makoni is no exception because he finds himself deeply embedded in the Zanu PF machine that is largely credited for undermining the rule of law as well as property and human rights. Some would argue that Makoni cannot escape blame for the unprecedented economic regression that has led to a dramatic decline in all key Zimbabwean human development indicators. Under Zanu PF leadership, the social and physical infrastructure that was largely inherited from the colonial state has crumbled, so have the key economic sectors like agriculture, mining and manufacturing, leaving the economy increasingly dependent on humanitarian aid. An argument is often made that Makoni chose to remain in the Zanu PF engine room while the economy was nose-diving. Zimbabwe finds itself today more vulnerable than it was at Independence in 1980. Its investment in human capital has been externalised to the extent that the capacity of the state to implement a turnaround is questionable. It has been argued that the future of Zimbabwe has been hijacked by Zanu PF and any change agenda driven or prosecuted by anyone associated with the system is necessarily flawed. Using this construction, it is then argued that the entry into the political scene by Makoni at a time when the MDC was on the verge of boycotting the elections is nothing but a ploy by Zanu PF to perpetuate itself. It is argued that the purpose of Makoni and his nameless and faceless political backers is to confuse the agenda and possibly hijack it by seemingly presenting a higher moral and intellectual platform for change forgetting that the fruits of change must necessarily be exclusively harvested by non-Zanu PF affiliated democratic revolutionaries who see in the struggle an opportunity to advance careers and take advantage of opportunities that they have been hitherto denied by the system. It is true that any political transition is necessarily pregnant with issues of identity and authenticity. Even after the conclusion of the Lancaster House Constitution, similar arguments were raised about the need for national reconciliation and whether, in fact, persons who were part of the colonial order were welcome to participate in the post-colonial state. There are no easy answers but if history has any lessons, it is that it does not help to dwell on the past as a vehicle to address future challenges. History will record that even President Robert Mugabe saw it fit to include Ian Smith’s colleagues in the first post-colonial administration as Ministers. Even President Mandela did the same in the interests of national unity and progress. Examples are abound that demonstrate that political maturity is required if the enormous challenges facing the country like Zimbabwe are to be addressed head on. However, there is a feeling among many Zimbabweans that anything smelling Zanu PF must be annihilated. People who question Makoni’s bona fides may also not pass the same test that they seek to impose on Makoni. If it is the intention of the people who seek to make Zimbabwe work again that Zanu PF members are not eligible to contribute at all levels provided in the Constitution of the country on the basis that President Mugabe’s government has been partisan, then surely if partisanship begets partisanship, then no real progress would have been achieved by the movement for democratic change. I also do not buy the notion that Zanu PF is a monolithic organisation. Yes there may very well be differences of opinion; tactics and strategies in the party and this should be respected, as is the fact that ultimately the voters should express their opinion about the manner in which they wish to be governed. The nature, depth and scope of the Zimbabwean crisis are so complex that it would be futile to attribute the decay to selected people for political expediency. What is evident is that the complicity of Zimbabwean citizens in helping to create a culture of limited or no accountability has to be at the centre of what should change to make Zimbabwe work again. The republic belongs to citizens who should take due care like owners to ensure its viability and sustenance. By targeting Makoni, who has reluctantly accepted to lead the final stages of the struggle for real change, we may be missing the point. It is true that through the SADC mediated talks both factions of the MDC accepted the legitimacy of President Mugabe’s government and were at one on the key constitutional and legal amendments only to disagree at the end of the process. If the same yardstick were used, then surely both factions of the MDC would not be eligible for office if being associated with the regime has become so evil that it taints irreparably a person’s credibility. Dialogue requires reaching out to the other party. What is evident today is that there appears to be no attempt at rapprochement between MDC and Zanu PF and regrettably it had to take SADC to make the two parties talk to each other. Will the outcome of the forthcoming elections provide the incentive for the two parties to do what they seem to have failed to do during the last eight years i.e. the civility to engage each other in the national interest or will Zimbabwe’s future be mortgaged once again to the egos of Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai? Supporters of Makoni will agree that he is fountain of reason and a person you will not find difficult to get along with. There is nothing in his record that would suggest that he is part of the problem, rather, he would rank as one of the few points of light in the confused Zimbabwean political zoo. The forthcoming election is too strategic and so important to the future of the country for anyone to be dismissed from consideration merely on the basis of perceived past associations. Makoni is a new face at the Presidential level and must be given the same benefit of the doubt that Tsvangirai and others were given when they started climbing their own political ladders. What is strategic is that politics has become so commercialised that across the political divide, there is no appetite to give up a position in the interests of national progress. It is told that both the MDC factions had agreed to unite only on the basis that the seats of the incumbent members of parliament would not be contested. Can you imagine a deal being cut with Mugabe that would lead to an entrenchment of his position? If the incumbent members of parliament of the two MDC formations had agreed to submit themselves to a democratic process, I am convinced that Makoni would not be a candidate. If this were the case, then it would be unfair to raise the question of whether Makoni is real because a real prospect exists of repeating what has happened in the previous elections where the outcome is disputed even though the participants willingly accepted to be in the race fully aware of the consequences. Before asking whether Makoni is for real, it is important to ask whether the opposition has what it takes to win especially given the complaints about the uneven playing field. If it is accepted that Zanu PF will not make it easy for the opposition to win, then there is nothing to lose for the opposition in Makoni coming into the scene unless the opposition is confident of winning. A habit is now well established among Zimbabweans to label anyone who attempts to do something positive and daring “a puppet”. According to Zanu PF, Makoni is now a puppet of the West notwithstanding the fact that he is still holding a senior position in the standing committee of the same party. Anyone who dares to compete for political office necessarily risks being labeled a traitor or puppet. On the other hand, the opposition forces have already started labeling him a Zanu PF agent. When will Zimbabweans start respecting each other? I should like to imagine that Makoni is a principal and he is mature enough to make his own choices. To the extent that he has accepted to be considered for the highest office in the land, all must respect it. At this defining hour in Zimbabwe’s history, it is important to ask what kind of leader the country deserves. What are the challenges facing the country? Who is best suited to lead the country out of the morass of the past? Has the hour of change arrived? If so, are Zimbabweans ready to bury the past and move forwards? I can relate to the predicament that Makoni may find himself in given the cynicism that now characterises contemporary Zimbabwe. I also have been called names by the same forces that seek to intimidate Makoni into surrender at a time when even the alternatives have already accepted that the outcome of the elections is predetermined. You all have a stake in the future of Zimbabwe. Please join me at: www.mmawere.com if you want to be part of this defining moment in Zimbabwe’s history. Should you want to invest in the Bank of Hope please add your voice on www.zimcoalition.com. Mutumwa Mawere's
weekly column is published on New Zimbabwe.com every Monday. You can
contact him at: mmawere@global.co.za |
|||||||||||||||||
| All material copyright newzimbabwe.com Material may be published or reproduced in any form with appropriate credit to this website |
|||||||||||||||||