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Embracing legacy of Zimbabwe's heroes
THE following is MDC leader Arthur Mutambara's Heroes Day message:
By Arthur G.O. Mutambara
The Essence of Heroism
AS ZIMBABWE remembers and acknowledges its outstanding citizens, let us take stock of the essence of greatness.
A hero is a patriot of elevated moral stature and superior ability who pursues a goal indefatigably in the face of powerful antagonists. Heroes have the moral and physical courage to confront challenges, make a difference; self-transcend and leave a legacy.
Because of their clear devotion to the good of a nation, in spite of the gravity of the task, heroes attain spiritual grandeur; even if they fail to achieve practical victory. There are four components of heroism: moral greatness, ability or prowess, action in the face of adversity, and triumph in at least a spiritual, if not a physical form. Heroism is marked by servant leadership and sacrificial attributes.
Of these, the hero's moral stature is unquestionably the most fundamental. An uncompromising commitment to morality is the foundation of heroism. The fallen heroes of our great liberation struggle produced a historic result in the form of our political independence in 1980.
The Generational Expectation
As we reflect on the significance of our heroes, there is a generational expectation for us to enhance their legacy. We have to continue with their struggle for a peaceful, democratic and prosperous Zimbabwe. The question is what is our generational result? What has been achieved in the last 27 years? Our country is going through an unprecedented national crisis with both economic and political manifestations.
Our generational challenge is now to restore the economy and the moral fabric of our nation. At the root of our national crisis are three inter-related challenges: political illegitimacy, poor country governance, and the lack of both economic vision and strategy. In addressing these problems we have to ask ourselves what kind of political party would effectively embrace and enhance the legacy of Josiah Tongogara and Nikita Mangena? There are three questions that we have to ask.
• Firstly, who are we as a party, what do we stand for, what should we be known for, i.e., what is our brand as a political party.
• Secondly, what is it that the people of Zimbabwe want that we can provide better than other political parties, i.e., what is our unique value proposition to Zimbabweans?
• The third question speaks to our proposed path and strategy to power, i.e., what is the game plan toward the attainment of political power.
The Brand
We are an African opposition party rooted in the history of Zimbabwean nationalism and the liberation struggle. We represent and seek to address African aspirations within a Pan-Africanist framework. This entails a socio-politico-economic world-view, as well as a movement, which seeks to unify and uplift both Africans on the continent and in the Diaspora, as part of a global African community.
The redemptive paradigm is regional integration inspired by regional sovereignty leading to continent-wide unity of both politics and economics. While embracing and leveraging globalization, we stand opposed to any forms of imperialism. We condemn Western double standards, duplicity and hypocrisy.
For example, while we appreciate Western pronouncements on the democratic deficit in Zimbabwe we condemn the democratic exemption they extend to Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. There is need for consistency if the West is to be effective in its support for democratic and progressive movements.
We note that when we in Mozambique, Zimbabwe and South Africa were fighting for our freedom we received no arms of war from Britain and the USA. Why did they not provide weapons to the FRELIMO, ZIPRA and ZANLA, MK and APLA freedom fighters and yet they found it appropriate to arm and support Mobutu Seseko, Jonas Savimbi, Saddam Hussein (in his war against Iran) and Osama Bin Laden (in his skirmishes with the Soviets in Afghanistan)? This begs the question what really informs Western foreign policy? It seems permanent interests outweigh both permanent values and principles. We stand viciously opposed to these double standards.
In Zimbabwe we believe there was a case to redress the grave historical injustices in the distribution of land. One of the reasons for the liberation war was access to land by the African majority. Hence there was a clear case for a land revolution in Zimbabwe. The fact that at Lancaster House the terms of reference, processes and funding (including UK and US assistance) for agrarian reform were verbal and not written means that this fundamental issue was not taken seriously. The British and their US colleagues acted in bad faith. Of course as the Africans at Lancaster we take responsibility for our foolishness and dereliction of duty. We should never have accepted a verbal understanding on land.
While we take issue with Mugabe’s motivation behind the chaotic land grab, and disagree with his processes and perverted outcomes, we do not seek to go back to the pre-2000 February situation. However, there must be a land audit, rationalisation and fairness to all Zimbabweans in the allocation of land.
As regards the question of compensation for farmers whose land or properties were expropriated, we believe that the international community must contribute funds for this purpose, in particular the UK and USA. There will be no such money from the Zimbabwean fiscus. Assessment of the quantum of compensation should be based on a number of factors such as:
• The history of the ownership, use and occupation of the land;
• The price paid for the land when it was last acquired;
• The cost or value of improvements on the land;
• The current use to which the land is put;
• Investment which the State or the acquiring authority may have made which improved or enhanced the value of the land.
Our agrarian revolution will be based on enhancing land access by the poor, productivity, food security, self-sufficiency, fairness and collateral value of land. We seek to ensure fair, secure and effective use of land with new strategies that will make the land green again. What is required is a democratic and participatory framework that seeks to achieve equitable, transparent, just, and economically efficient distribution and use of land.
Respect of property rights and collateral value of land must be guaranteed by establishing security of tenure through the provision of title or meaningful 99 year leases (not the Zanu PF worthless leases). Land should never be used as an instrument of political patronage. With an effective land revolution in Zimbabwe land owners should be motivated towards beneficiation where emphasis is placed on secondary agriculture.
Our value system is defined by respect for human rights, democratic tolerance, results orientation, business principles, and a performance culture. We are a political movement driven by values and not personalities. This is why the president of our party is not automatically the party’s presidential candidate for national elections. We are committed to building democratic political, economic, socio-cultural and legal institutions that are self-perpetuating and which will outlive present and future generations. Effective and sustainable institution building and value system development should be inspired by the demands of posterity.
We make commitments and not promises because we believe in our delivery capability and in the right of the people of Zimbabwe including the business community, to make free choices that assure them of access to affordable goods and services that meet their needs and value expectations in real time. We commit to make a difference in the quality of Zimbabwean lives and the profitability of businesses.
We are committed to devolution of power to elected self-governing provincial entities in order to entrench the concept of a government of the people, by the people and for the people. A reduced power distance will ensure a provincial government that more readily responds to the needs of local communities.
On human rights violations in our country, such as Gukurahundi and Murambatsvina, we believe in victim-based and restorative justice. It is important to involve the victims, understand what they went through, and evaluate their current challenges created by the violations. It is also important that we hear from them how they believe justice can be achieved and restored. There is need for rehabilitation of the violated communities, surviving individuals and families.
If we allow Ian Smith and Robert Mugabe to get away without even acknowledging, showing remorse and accounting for their crimes, what will stop future regimes from doing the same? Consequently, there will be no blanket immunity. We need to break the cycle of impunity. We need to know the truth of what transpired, and establish some modicum of responsibility even if it is moral responsibility. We need to establish a systemic and institutional framework that enables us to ensure that never ever again should there be any such violation of the human rights of our citizens.
The Unique Value Proposition
What is it that the people of Zimbabwe want that we can provide better than other political parties? Our vision is Zimbabwe as the leading democracy in Africa characterised by people-centered social development and economic growth. We desire a nation characterised by inclusive and sustainable development that is based on substantive participatory democracy.
Zimbabwe’s GDP and per capita income should be in the top three in Africa. We want a society where human rights, individual freedoms, property rights, non racialism, women’s rights, workers’ rights and economic rights are cherished and respected. We want a nation of prosperity, economic opportunities, affordable high quality public services, social justice, equity, and gender justice.
We want a country of business growth, productive commercial agriculture, innovative entrepreneurship, creative managers, and productive workers whose working conditions are decent.
We seek a Zimbabwean economy that leverages science and technology, while emphasising valued added manufacturing, export based investment and a thriving services industry. We desire technology transfer, local processing of all our minerals, and increased domestic and foreign direct investment.
All these endeavors must be established within the context of a small government philosophy, respect for free market principles, respect of property rights and entrenched rule of law. Nonetheless, there is need for targeted state intervention to develop enabling physical infrastructure (such as roads, water, electricity, housing, and telecommunications) and promote economic socio-economic justice
It is essential to have an independent central bank which concentrates on core monetary policy functions of maintaining both price and financial market stability. This should then be coupled by effective macro-economic policy coordination between fiscal and monetary strategies.
Given the extent of the economic damage in Zimbabwe, recovery will require a whole range of internal measures together with large scale external financial and technical assistance. There will be need to rebuild the productive sectors to create employment and to allow for meaningful economic development in the future.
We need to attract back Zimbabweans with skills that can be used to restart the economy and to retain within the country people who have important skills. It is also essential to systematically and optimally leverage those who will remain in the Diaspora, in terms of access to global institutions, investment, expertise and markets.
The extreme conditions of Zimbabwe’s economic plight suggest that the revitalisation of the economy will require many of the elements typically associated with a strategy of post conflict reconstruction. The framework for international support for Zimbabwe’s economic recovery should involve addressing the heavy indebtedness to the IMF and other multilateral institutions. The main impetus for recovery will of course come from within Zimbabwe itself. Initially, this process will require an injection of funds from the international donors – the World Bank, the IMF, UN agencies, the British and American governments and other key players who will need to play an active role in shepherding and supporting the locally-owned recovery strategy.
Once the critical debt has been paid, then the other donors will come in with a package to help with the initial economic recovery programme. Recent experience with mounting such recovery programmes demonstrates the need to be buttressed by certain broad priority tasks including:
• Establishing security and rule of law;
• Fostering political reconciliation and legitimate institutions of government;
• Rebuilding the institutional capacities of the state and non-state actors;
• Encouraging a comprehensive and inclusive recovery, including timely normalisation of relations with the international community.
• Rapid support for debt relief comprised of aid, debt relief and private finance.
Also pertinent to the Zimbabwean case, the proper economic recovery can only take place if there is respect for property rights, the rule of law and constitutionalism. Without fixing all the economic fundamentals it does not matter how much money is poured in, things will not change for the better.
The economic recovery plan will immediately lead on to a programme of economic stabilisation encompassing things such as improved business confidence which should stimulate economic activity in all sectors; agriculture, mining, tourism, and service sectors.
The foundation of the economic stabilisation policies should be based on positive development in the Government’s consistency in emphasising the maintenance of macro-economic stability, poverty reduction and addressing of development issues for long term economic growth. The stabilisation programme would involve various multilateral and bilateral co-operating partners, such as the World Bank, the African Development Bank (AfDB) as well as certain key bilaterals.
Beyond recovery and stabilisation there is need for transformation of the Zimbabwean dualistic economy inherited from the colonial period and deepened during the post independence economic melt down. In the colonial period the dualism divide was synonymous with race as whites had more access to resources than the blacks.
It is therefore imperative that the economy should be transformed into an integrated globally competitive economy in both its production and service sectors. In all these efforts there must be deliberate efforts to promote broad based economic empowerment of the black majority. The Zimbabwean economy has the potential to be transformed from the present dualistic and largely agrarian economy into a modern industrial economy. There is need to maximally optimize our potential in terms of human capital, natural resources and infrastructure in pursuit of the desired destination economy.
The Path to Power
The strategy to victory has to be through democratic and constitutional means. This is only possible if we all fight together to create conditions for free and fair elections in our country. The primary drivers of change should be Zimbabweans themselves. This means in addition to embracing the SADC initiative we must develop an independent programme of action on the ground that we control as Zimbabweans. Here we refer to a programme of action that seeks to bring about democratic change in our country, as a precondition for the economic transformation of Zimbabwe.
In particular through actions of defiance, strikes, demonstrations and general mass action we must drive this illegal kleptocracy to its knees. We must create conditions for free and fair elections by any means necessary. All the political parties, civic society organisations, the labour movement and the churches must work together in the streets in pursuit of liberation and emancipation. We must be demanding that the Zanu PF government stops the torture, murder and the incarceration of members of the opposition and civic society. Just recently, members of the NCA were brutalised.
We cannot have free and fair elections when members of the civic society are being brutalised. We also need a new constitution and we must fight for it in the streets. There must be new electoral laws that will allow free and fair management of our elections. POSA and AIPPA must be removed from our statutes. We want to allow every Zimbabwean the opportunity to vote, including those in the Diaspora.
Lastly, we want international supervision of our first election under the new constitution. These are the demands we should be fighting for in the streets through an alternative programme of action. Yes, we should also pursue the same matters through the SADC mediation. What is criminal is for Zimbabweans to sit passively while waiting for President Mbeki to rescue them. It is our strong contention that it will be easier to dislodge the illegitimate regime in Zimbabwe if all democratic forces in the country work together. This is even more critical, given the fact that our elections are likely to be unfree and unfair. In spite of the challenges the opposition parties are experiencing in establishment a united front, they will continue to work as one entity, presenting common positions in the SADC mediation.
Conclusion
As we reflect on the significance of our heroes it is important that we create political parties that are rooted in their values, principles and aspirations. What we stand for and what we offer should be a continuation of our great liberation struggle. However we must understand that the aims of the liberation struggle and its heroes who gave their lives for the emancipation of our great land have been subverted by those who claim to be the current living heroes but who in reality have stolen the hopes and aspirations of millions of Zimbabweans since 1980. This group of heroes turned villains has lost any semblance of the redeeming values of shame and self-respect.
The real heroes of our generation will be those who will restore Zimbabwe as nation in which we can all be proud; a country which can hold its head high amongst all the nations of the world, a state which meets the dreams of its people. We must have the moral and physical courage to step up to the plate and make our generational contribution. History will never absolve us if we prevaricate or equivocate.
There will be no Compromise, Retreat or Surrender!
We Shall Overcome!
The Struggle Continues Unabated!
Arthur G.O.
Mutambara, MDC President
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