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Mutambara might be his own threat
By Itai
Masotsha Zimunya
ON OCTOBER 4 in 1989, at the University of Zimbabwe, there rose one
of the most vicious resistances to Robert Mugabe’s rule.
The students union rose against the one-party state agenda and compelling Mugabe to act on corrupt government chefs. Arthur Mutambara was the union president and Munyaradzi Gwisai union secretary. It is this era of student’s activism that gave him fame. Today, Mutambara is rumoured to have been reserved the presidency of one faction of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the pro-senate in particular.
This article contributes
to the frontiers of political theories and scenarios unfolding within
the MDC and the impact of a Mutambara led MDC faction. It is my scientific
contention that Mutambara, however learned or intelligent, may be soiled
by the political remnants and stumps in that MDC faction. In the end,
he like Jonathan Moyo, could emerge the greatest loser.
After the fateful October 12 2005, the MDC factions have been identified
as espousing different ideologies, meanings and political promises.
The Gibson Sibanda-led faction is reported to cherish dialogue and a
non-confrontational approach to engaging the dictatorship.
Suggestions of Mugabe’s clemency have been publicized with statements like "just as Ian Smith is free in Belgravia”.
On the other hand,
Tsvangirai’s faction believes in a systematic and mass engagement
of the regime, including mass defiance and protest actions. It is another
thing whether both factions have the capacity to launch a serious challenge
against dictatorship or succeed in bringing about the much-needed socio-economic
relief using their strategies. Another realistic perspective of Zimbabwe’s
reform, like Pedzisai Ruhanya argues, could be a reformed Zanu PF that
implements all that the people are asking for.
Arthur “Ago” Mutambara’s ascendancy to MDC presidency
brings with it high expectations on the table of those that know or
have heard of him. In 1989, at the University of Zimbabwe, and as members
of the Shadreck Ghutto’s informal socialist school, the Mutambara-led
union challenged several government positions, including it’s
silence on corruption, the need to notify the police of a planned meeting,
the one-party state agenda among other students welfare issues. The
famous statement of October 2 1989, that made Mutambara, Gwisai and
others the famous that they are, did not only incited massive demonstrations,
but invited the terror of the government.
The October 2,1989 statement read:
They (the riot police) harassed and terrorised students indiscriminately throughout the campus randomly tear gassing halls of residence, wantonly clobbering and brutalising students threatening to use gunfire when necessary…comrades, this is state terrorism at its worst!
Yes, we did not apply for permission and we will never apply for permission from anyone in this country to hold a seminar at this university…to them, the ruling dogs of imperialism, academic freedom involves the narrow acquisition of knowledge, domination of knowledge and who should be taught by whom…it is a government which displays brute neo-fascist force only comparable to that of (apartheid) South Africa before its own unarmed defenseless students. It’s our strong submission that this institution of government has thus been rendered completely disreputable and hence the incumbents have completely lost legitimacy.
Who in this
government can have the audacity and credibility to criticise the De-Klerk
regime in South Africa? Or are we even worse than De-Klerk? Ian Smith
never banned political seminars at this university…That one fought
for this country does not justify them to loot, plunder and wreck the
economy of Zimbabwe and let alone stifle people’s democratic rights….You
can’t push a cat into a corner- after all we are not cats but
tigers! Defeat is not our agenda!
The statement made Education Minister Fay Chung angry, and she responded
with this description of Mutambara and his group, “ ….
hooligans, drunkards and megalomaniacs. Anti-patriotic and anti-nationalistic
in nature.”
Some students were
arrested and detained on allegations of being a threat to the government
and the people of Zimbabwe because they had connived with foreign politicians
to tarnish the image of the country. The detention was however, set
aside by the High Court. On October 5, Morgan Tsvangirai, then the Secretary
General of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) issued a statement
in solidarity rebuking “..the authorities responsible…(who)
have developed so much uncertainty in themselves that they can not even
show tolerance and rationality in dealing with our own children”.
Tsvangirai was arrested and detained for six weeks for this solidarity.
It is from this history that we draw our assertion that, whilst we celebrate
Mutambara’s entry into full time politics, his past may haunt
his future. Firstly, the statement of October 2 1989 remains true today
and the first question is, shall Mutambara remain so confrontational
and militant in his political approach to Zanu PF? Any deviation from
this mass based political approach, which does appear to be the idea
of the MDC pro-senate, might soil his revolutionary history.
Secondly, Mutambara might find it challenging to work with people whose
past was at variance with the principles he espoused. A senior official
of the MDC pro-senate was a senior legal officer of the University of
Zimbabwe, and contributed immensely to the suspension of other student
leaders like Brian Kagoro and Tendai Biti, among many who championed
the same cause as that of AGO.
Thirdly, Mutambara, though he has every right and freedom to join and
associate with any person of his choice, must not forget that political
power comes from the people. It is the same Morgan Tsvangirai who was
not educated in 1989 who came to his rescue and was incarcerated for
that. He remains the same uneducated fellow and while not suggesting
that Mutambara must pay back Tsvangirai by siding with him, any moves
towards negotiating with Zanu PF will quickly discredit him that he
will go to the political abyss like Jonathan Moyo, whose rich political
past was soiled by his fellowship with Zanu PF.
Most of the above scenarios, even if realistic, pause lesser damages
to Mutambara’s political career. His greatest fall could come
when he follows his party’s doctrine of table-engagements with
Zanu PF. Such an engagement might lead to a government of national unity
(GNU), and under such an arrangement, history will take its toll. Zanu
PF, being the stronger party in the talks will want to maintain a powerful
post in the new-power sharing structure. As per the dictates of the
1987 unity accord, naturally Sibanda would deputise the Zanu PF leader
and therefore depose Mutambara from the throne.
Political developments in Zimbabwe become exciting by the increase in
the pieces to be moved during this succession period. It is important
at this point to highlight that any discourse of succession must not
be without Zanu PF, for it is, despite massive factionalism and militarisation,
still a political force of reckon in Zimbabwe.
Several people (especially workers and peasants) identify with Tsvangirai’s
proposal to launch a serious and persistent engagement with Mugabe in
pursuit of a solution to the governance crisis instituted by Mugabe
for over 25 years. Tsvangirai remains a darling in that he identifies
with the people’s agenda despite numerous assessments that dismiss
him on the basis of lack of “education”. It is important
to note that Zimbabweans are not expecting an educated, black or male
leader, but one that leads them into a better socio-economic state.
Underrating Tsvangirai because of his weaknesses might be dangerous.
Whether educated or not, by any standard, he remains a symbol, an idol
of resistance and a light of hope for the people of Zimbabwe. Like the
traditional saying goes, “ musapedzera tsvimbo kumakungu idzo
hanga dzichauya” - it is not wise to waste resources on non-cores.
Zanu PF is not silly, and their Think-Tank would not prescribe that
their repressive apparatus (media and security) make persistent attacks
on Tsvangirai if he were as spent a force as they propagate in their
long articles.
The socio-economic crisis in Zimbabwe is of immense proportion, if not
worse off to the Ian Smiths Rhodesia. Therefore, whatever measure Tsvangirai,
Mutambara or Mujuru promulgate, has to be of greater proportions to
overcome and restore Zimbabwe’s pride.
Under a government of national unity, Mutambara would be an accomplice
in denying people their birthright to participate in the governance
of their country. A new constitution, which is a result of the people’s
participation and not an academic outcome of the legal-work of scholars
of constitutional law. Jonathan Moyo has an excellent testimony and
Mutambara might benefit one or two tactics from that other professor.
Jonathan Moyo wrote political verses noting that Mugabe and the Zanu
PF system thrived on misgovernance and electoral fraud. He later dined
with it and in the end, has left himself politically gagged that to
get the people’s attention may be remote now. Mutambara warned
Mugabe and told him that "he is not a cat but a tiger!" He
set his own measure and any compomise on this history will disqualify
him and dent his chances of political leadership in Zimbabwe. Will he
be able to relive his ideology under a party whose ideology is opposite?
Kagoro’s teachings may need to be recited here. Should both the
MDC pro and anti-senate factions concentrate on bashing each other instead
of partnering to improve the people’s lives, then they will learn
the art of politics in the streets of Zimbabwe. The people may reclaim
their space and form new people-centered
formations.
In conclusion, like the scholars of old, we live it to time. What we
can firmly assert though is that the people of Zimbabwe are not looking
for intelligence, oratory or high-class people but a person that would
resolve the current socio-economic crisis. That is why, as in the Christian
Bible, Lord Jesus was born of unknown parents and in a cattle kraal.
The savior’s coming may not necessarily be high sounding or wealthy.
But they who stands with the people and for the people may get the people’s
accent to the throne of power.
We wait to see the
tiger in AGO.
Itai Zimunya is a human rights activist and is based in Harare.
He can be contacted at: itaizim@yahoo.com
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