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The flies in Mutambara's hands
By Itai
Zimunya
IN DEBATING the so called political tremors generated by the entry of
Arthur Mutambara into the Zimbabwean political field, one eminent political
scholar, Phillip Pasirayi argues that Mutambara has “flies in
his hands and will soon be visited by lizards”.
This article seeks
to broaden the political discourse and possibly postulate the political
end game to the current crisis in Zimbabwe.
Arthur’s presidential acceptance speech of 26 February 2006 is
brilliant. He maintains objectivity and draws the nation to focus on
fundamental issues varying from the social sector, the economy and economic
policies including international affairs.
However, we plead caution, for no day have we ever heard any of Mugabe’s merchants promise hell. Even in destroying people’s houses, Chombo was happy, smiling and promising a glorious Garikai/ Hlalani Kuhle whilst the people were wailing.
The caution here
is not for people to judge and celebrate words, but value and revere
acts. That is why Jesus did not end in preaching, but had “acts”
of holiness.
For us to really display the flies that Mutambara nurtures in his hands,
it is important at first to clearly map the possible avenues of Zimbabwe’s
destiny. People need to understand that Zimbabwe is now under a transitionary
period. The possible outcomes are four. These include,
(1) a reformed Zanu PF under a new leader,
(2) a coalition government between Zanu PF and an MDC faction,
(3) a government of national unity between Zanu PF and an MDC faction, or
(4) a new regime.
As the balance of forces exist today, it is possible to have a reformed
Zanu PF under a new leader like Joyce Mujuru, Simba Makoni or any other.
This could come through a Zanu PF settlement, whose outcome, like those
of the 2000, 2002 and 2005 elections, is pre-determined. In this case,
like present day Zimbabwe, the repressive state apparatuses will be
used to maintain the power of the regime. However, such an outcome will
most likely inherit the crisis of Mugabe, of illegitimacy and a patronage
system that thrives of regionalism, corruption and “force”.
Under this scenario, the current socio-economic crisis might continue
since a new person under Zanu PF might not be a new broom, as the politburo
might not adopt a shift to a new governance culture. And most chefs
have looted enough that all their focus will be on guarding their newfound
wealth.
The second scenario is that of a coalition government where, say Zanu
PF and MDC agree to form the next government and share power whilst
they maintain their institutional identities. This scenario has a high
chance given that the MDC pro-senate have enunciated a policy that,
in some respects, display a readiness to negotiate “power”
with Zanu PF. Zanu PF, despite having stronger stakes in the balance
of power (the killing machine), might agree to this proposal in the
hope that the MDC-pro senate will unlock the economic worth of the west
through negotiating markets for agricultural produce and loans to finance
agriculture, since land is now in the hands of the “sons and daughters”.
This scenario has
a high chance and is one that South African President Thabo Mbeki is
reported to have promised the West that it was coming. The art developed
from the 2003 Zanu PF–MDC talks, was to have an MDC that acknowledges
Mugabe, appreciates the finality of land reform, espouses pan-African
values and believes on talks more than mass based resistance. The MDC
pro-senate have clearly fulfilled these demands and publicly stated
that they want to engage Zanu PF to, in other words, share power.
The third scenario, a government of national unity is like the 1987
Unity accord where the MDC will be swallowed into Zanu PF and have its
leaders posted to various ministries and embassies. This has a remote
chance of taking place due to fundamental differences of both age and
extends of reasoning between and within both the MDC’s and Zanu
PF.
The fourth scenario, of a new regime academically possible, but only
under a new democratic constitution and as an outcome of a free and
fair election. This scenario might be possible if people react to the
current poverty, corruption, repression and untold suffering at the
hands of Zanu PF. This route is painful, but when executed well through
the making of a new people driven constitution, might mean Zimbabwe
is guaranteed of prosperity for the next decades. Other things being
equal, this is the only scenario that guarantees Zimbabwe’s growth
for the next 50 years.
The section that has flies that the new entrant in the jungle does not
know of is scenario three- of a coalition government. A coalition government
means that one MDC faction’s members of parliament become part
of government. This does not come with a new people driven constitution,
but will be an outcome of an elite packaged constitution (that Mbeki
has facilitated). This constitution- most likely will focus on how to
share power or people’s taxes but ignore fundamental expectations
of the people of Zimbabwe. It would be a national disaster. The people
of Zimbabwe do not necessarily mind the person that is governing so
long they are pro-people. One that delivers food, jobs, education, health,
anti-retroviral drugs, fuel including basic freedoms like the opening
up of the airwaves.
Power is sweet and absolute power is dangerous, and in the current context,
basic psychology denotes that Mutambara could be given “sugar
power” like Jonathan Moyo got as Information Minister. Power hunger
is a natural phenomenon that applies to every one irrespective of ones
education or status in society. It is like eating, sleeping or crying-
natural behaviors and every person does have it though in different
proportions.
Arthur’s hands are closed and he thinks he holds “presidential
powers”. He does not know that he holds flies. Chimanikire’s
short stint as leader of the MDC pro-senate is an excellent example.
He led that coalition lambasting and puffing all sorts about Morgan
Tsvangirai, but was strategically deposed off what he thought he had
in his hands “power”. Despite numerous threats and swears,
he was actually given a landing pad- the party chairpersons post to
concentrate on making structures, far away from the policy point. Now
he is doing time with the lizards of truth. It’s too late.
Mutambara might be genuine but ignorant. And ignorance, like in law,
is no defense in politics. The plan that Mutambara is articulating has
a political end game of a coalition government. It will not have any
pro-poor, pro-worker, pro-youth, pro-women policy but just the emergency
of new faces on the television.
The fundamental departure with that policy is that people are clear
of what they want and they will settle for nothing less. Land is not
an asset of Zanu PF or war veterans but Zimbabweans and Zimbabweanhood
has never and shall never be described by one’s war status or
family name. That land was one of the two reasons for the struggle is
holy and that land had to be redistributed is uncontested. But the emergence
of a new MDC class that is given farms and asked to shout that “we
have resolved “ the Zimbabwean crisis is like playing with fire.
The belief by some quarters, which Author has swallowed, is that some
party will look for a politically untainted person that leads the new
front and negotiate power. When power comes (to the few), that new intellectual
will use their prowess to promise people what is not, like the “Rambai
Makashinga” spins.
The crisis in Zimbabwe is not solely about Mugabe being a bad leader.
Like we have always argued, the crisis is much wider and deeper than
the person of Mugabe. Indeed like Ian Smith, should Mugabe move out
of power, people would still want to listen to him go though his usual
mantra. That is the art of life. The Zimbabwean question has to do with
issues and how people participate in governance. It has to do with the
powers of government granted in the constitution. It has to do with
the demands of the liberation struggle, land to the poor (not the black
elite) and the people’s right to vote (not in rigged elections).
Mutambara’s publicised route is power first, then constitution
(made by the chefs) probably. That is a disaster for Zimbabwe and with
this, one social impact is that those in the Diaspora might make moves
to permanently relocate to their current bases as the national solution
gets out of sight. What guarantees development, sharing of resources
and socio-economic prosperity for Zimbabwe is to have a new democratic
constitution first followed by free and fair elections.
Like the English say, he who pays the piper calls the tune. Indeed,
who called Author? Is it the people or it is a group of political pretenders
calling themselves kingmakers? In his presidential acceptance speech,
Arthur riffled furthers of his party and that might be last time he
refers to Morgan Tsvangirai – other people’s goblin maker,
as a hero. Whether this was placatory or not, that tune frustrated the
piper. Mutambara will soon see that going against party policy is dangerous
and he will soon be gagged.
The people of Zimbabwe will not rest until they have a say in the development
and implementation of policies in their country. The people spoke out
clearly in demand of a two-five-year presidential term among many other
constitutional expectations. Those that therefore think that the people
will stop agitating because there are some elements of MDC in government
might be riding tigers that they may dare not dismount.
It is at this point, not worthy making a scene of Morgan Tsvangirai
because he and his party, believe in a new people driven constitution
and free and fair elections, which, should it be possible, might bring
about the so much desired socio-economic and political relief. Our argument
is philosophically based. If you keep quite, like Zembe of the United
Party, Dongo of Zimbabwe Union of Democrats, it is better than to promise
people Canaan whilst taking them to hell.
In reference to Zanu PF and its partners in the anti-people coalition,
we get lessons from Ken Saro-Wiwa. Making a speech at Kagote sports
club on 26 December 1990, he says, “ in the ongoing political
exercise, I think it is well to understand, as i have said on several
occasions, that no matter which of the parties win, no difference will
be made to the generality of the (Zimbabwean) people. Both parties are
built on fundaments inimical to (the people’s) progress. Therefore,
the people must not break their heads over which of the parties win,
can win, does not win or should win…we must support the progression
of democratic rule, as it is only through democratic action that we
can reestablish our rights”
Wiwa clarifies our position. The people must and will not worry of who
will partner Zanu PF in looting or drafting an elite constitution. Every
political party that does not espouse the will of the people, whether
led by Mugabe, Mutambara, Tsvangirai, Mujuru or Tobias must be taken
as such- evil. We are not ashamed therefore, from a principle perspective
to state that, presently Tsvangirai’s party seems to be the only
one that is for the people and with the people.
A Zimbabwe of poverty is not the Zimbabwe we want and if it means forever
in the struggle, let it be. All those that are against the people hold
flies in their hands and like Pasirayi argues, lizards will always follow
them. The people shall not sell their birthright at the altar of political
convenience.
Itai Masotsha Zimunya is a Mutare based opposition activist. He
can be contacted on itaizim@yahoo.com
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