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OPINION |
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| New wine in old wineskins By Glen
Mpani Over the last few years, there are sections of the Zimbabwean community who have entertained the fallacy that without Mugabe, Zanu PF might chart a new course and spearhead positive change within Zimbabwe. There has not been significant critique of these unfounded views. The protagonists of this school of thought argue that with new leadership, Zanu PF can initiate transformation in Zimbabwe. The antithesis of this argument presupposes that the Zimbabwean crisis is Mugabe’s product and without him, change will ensue in the country. Zanu PF is not just a political party; it is a way of life, a culture and a cult which has permeated the structures and governance systems of Zimbabwe from the ruling party, opposition, civil society, corporate sector, churches and the black market. This culture can be referred to as Zanuism. Zanuism is the belief that personalities are more important than institutions and constitutions. Under Zanuism, leaders owe their existence to political patronage and perpetual loyalty to their Godfathers. The use of state or public resources in exchange for support to political office is permissible. Holding divergent views from the leadership is treasonous, retrogressive and punishable by death, arrest or relegation into political wilderness. Leaders demand quiet and blind followers who do not challenge their authority. More importantly the masses are children of the leadership and once in a while deserve a hide if they ‘misbehave’. Recently, Vice President Joseph Msika articulated some of the basic tenets of Zanuism in Tsholostho. He was quoted as saying the “young should understudy the leadership and should never plan to undermine or topple the leadership’. This was in reference to the infamous Tsholotsho saga and the re-emergence of Jabulani Sibanda. Why is discussing the future leadership of a party taboo? Why have those that have attempted to engage in that debate been sidelined at the slightest opportunity? Those who expect positive change under Zanu PF in the post-Mugabe era attempt to separate the potential successors from the culture discussed above. What is different about the potential successors from the incumbent? While they have not presided over the instutionalisation of the culture, they have over the years actively participated in building it in their different capacities. How then can they extricate themselves and claim to be different? The intense jockeying to succeed Mugabe within the ruling party has resulted in our Dear Leader becoming a prisoner of the highest office in the land. The current factions within Zanu PF have not defined what they stand for or the changes they would bring to Zimbabwe. Instead, they are motivated by greed, tribalism, corruption and a quest to protect their kith and kin from past crimes, and lining their pockets with ill-gotten riches. Malawi’s Bingu waMutharika provides a typical example of how not to do politics in Africa. After abandoning his God Father in politics, Bakili Muluzi, he found himself in the cold and partyless. How then can Mnangagwa, Mujuru, Makoni and Sekeramayi rid themselves of this culture when they are the very products and authors of the system? One attribute that is a constant in all of Mugabe’s potential successors in Zanu PF is their inability to confront bad governance under Mugabe. It is naïve to assume that change in Zimbabwe will come with Mugabe’s departure. For democracy to work, you need democrats. Are there any in Zanu PF? While Mugabe presides over a decaying system, it is his lieutenants who are grabbing land, expropriating resources, fuelling the black market and unleashing violence on the opposition. Taking Mugabe out and replacing him with Emmerson Mnangagwa, Joice Mujuru and indeed any of the front runners in the race to succeed him is not the miracle Zimbabwe needs. Zanu PF has no capacity and is not interested to change and reform. The current scenario in Zimbabwe is not likely to change even with the best constitutions and systems as long as the contaminated political culture is intact. The developments in the Morgan Tsvangirai MDC are not surprising as they are consistent with Zanuism that has permeated Zimbabwean politics. One of my mentors used to tease me that ‘hapana asiri Zanu PF, tese tiri Zanu PF nyangwe MDC ndeye Zanu PF’ (There is no-one who is not Zanu PF, even MDC belongs to Zanu PF). While political leaders have turned all powerful and mighty, the masses in Zimbabwe need to rise and demand accountability from leaders. Mugabe has taught us that granting power to men of flesh and blood is as good as signing one’s death warrant. We need to rid the country of the culture ‘yekudya’. Zimbabweans need to reclaim their political power and define the change and the leadership they want. With the disillusionment of Zimbabweans within and outside Zimbabwe on the capacity of the opposition and civil society to carry them to the promised land of a New Zimbabwe, now is the time to explore other options available. Our tragedy as Zimbabweans over the years has been mortgaging our fate to political parties and civic leaders and retreating to the comfort of our homes. I make a clarion call to all progressive men and women within the political formations in Zimbabwe and outside to stand to the challenge. Change will not come by simply replacing Mugabe with Tsvangirai or Arthur Mutambara. Neither will it come from a new constitution. Zimbabweans need to embrace a new political culture of tolerance, transparency and accountability predicated on tenets of good governance democracy, accountability and respect of the constitutions. We certainly cannot pour new wine into old wineskins and call it vintage!
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