Time to put Tsvangirai to the political sword?

Time to put Tsvangirai to the political sword?

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By Itayi Garande

WELL, isn't that something? Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) spokesman Nelson Chamisa is trying to trivialise the disgruntlement with Morgan Tsvangirai within his faction of the party.

Chamisa reminds me of 'Comical Ali', Saddam Hussein's hilarious information minister who once said: "I repeat, there are no Arnolds in Sacramento. Never!"

He fooled himself by his own creativity.

While Zanu PF is conducting near forensic alteration of the electoral laws of Zimbabwe over in the soi-disant political “real world”, we have seen the latest defenestration of the MDC leadership, or more particularly, that of Tsvangirai.

Tsvangirai's MDC is struggling through a season of discontent, with the March elections looming and assured.

There is nascent internal and external dissent against him, and far broader frustration over his failure to bring the much-threatened change, and resolve the intra-party dispute over the Lucia Matibenga affair and troubles in the MDC’s UK provincial executive.

But the sense of decline in any political party; especially before assumption of power, is often painful, and many see it in sharper focus now as Tsvangirai gets wearied and speculation on his loss at the next election becomes the country's favourite gossip.

And nearly every political setback or intra-party argument is read as a further sign of the party's diminished standing or, worse, the party's inability to navigate crises.

A man well known for his longevity in opposition, many wonder whether Tsvangirai will ever rule Zimbabwe. This is a man who made his reputation on bold moves that sometimes led to success and sometimes to unmitigated disaster. He had no clear ideology or vision for the party, much that after two election defeats, he was wearied and not sure which direction to go.

If he loses the 2008 election, Tsvangirai will be credited by history as the opposition leader who served the longest and lost the most times. And he dreads this.

His challenges are more today than in 2000 or in 2002. If we believe the exaggerated estimates of conspiracy theorists, three million Zimbabweans have left the country, most of them forming the constituency that Tsvangirai's seeks to rally support from. So his demise is almost guaranteed.

Zimbabwe is a far cry from the country that led Tsvangirai to win so many ballots.

The talks in South Africa have given rise to a paradox: The more freedom given to the MDC to negotiate, the more its weaknesses are exposed. MDC's timid steps to liberalise politics in Zimbabwe have, in the end, revealed the opposition's structural and strategic weaknesses.

Leaders of the opposition MDC have begun to reconsider what they can gain from Zimbabwe than bring to Zimbabwe. At first, many said they believed that confrontation would unleash a new dynamic, drawing supporters into their ranks and altering the geopolitical terrain in Zimbabwe.

Now they speak more soberly, with mindless caution -- an admission that years of confrontation achieved little. Aside from their protests, there remain few means to articulate the frustration in Zimbabwe today.

A man once imbued with the optimism of a reformer, (or was he?), Tsvangirai exhibits all signs of tiredness and frustration -- a cocktail of disaster at the next election, unless fundamental changes are made immediately.

I think we are entering a new phase in Zimbabwe, a new phase where the old traditions, people and practices are fading away. At the moment, the two live side by side, but I think the old has started to fade as it fails to articulate a 'vision for our future'.

Should Tsvangirai fall on his sword for the good of his party, and more importantly, and implicitly, the good of the MDC party?

Itayi Garande is the editor of the Zimbabwe Guardian. He can be contacted on e-mail:itayig@hotmail.com
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