We will not die if we do not make war

We will not die if we do not make war

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By Msekiwa Makwanya

THERE is nothing new about the “democratic resistance” that we are told is being planned by Morgan Tsvangirai.

In fact Tsvangirai has been arrested and tried in courts for a series of unsuccessful demonstrations or mass actions before.

It is important therefore for Tsvangirai to explain to his followers what exactly he is referring to if he should be believed this time around. Making promises that may not be fulfilled will further demoralise his followers who now have to come to terms with wisdom of participating in local government elections in January 2006 after letting go unchallenged the senate elections only two months ago.

The Zimbabwe Independent of 23 December, 2005 on “What they said in the year gone by” summed up Tsvangirai’s views on mass action after Operation Murambatsvina as follows:

“People blame us for not organising protests against the government. But how do you organise a person whose immediate priority is to see where his family is going to eat or sleep next? You cannot tell a person preoccupied with finding alternative accommodation for his family or a temporary place to keep his belongings to join a protest march.” — MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai responding to charges that his party should have seized opportunities presented by the unpopular Operation Murambatsvina to rally people against the regime.

There is need for political clarity otherwise Tsvangirai’s statements risk being viewed as publicity driven statements. Bold statements do not constitute action and the masses may actually sympathise with him or take him seriously if he does not promise something he may not be able to deliver. Everyone understands that he has tried his best to make his point about what needs to be changed and there is general frustration and disillusionment which should not be blamed on him alone. Of course he says the buck stops with him and that puts him under more pressure. The problem is that he rules out options and vows not to “compromise with the dictator”. This can be taken to mean that he will never talk to Zanu PF. Moshe Dayan would advise that, “If you want to make peace, you don’t talk to your friends. You talk to your enemies.”

While leading his faction calling for a boycott of the senate, Tsvangirai vowed to demand constitutional changes to level the political landscape before he could take his party into future elections. Now we are aware that the Tsvangirai faction is taking part in local government elections scheduled for January 2006.

Tsvangirai needs coherence between choices and practice and he should refuse to be drawn into making undisciplined responses and learn to reject manipulation by whoever is advising him. If Tsvangirai wants live out the coherence between political choice and actions, he is best advised to consider the dialectical unity between action and reflection. It is a matter of being a bit more discursive.

If the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) could not mobilise the masses successfully when they were a united and a strong party, how much can be achieved by a divided party? Infiltration or no infiltration the MDC is no longer as strong as it used to be and it is not wise to start a fight when you are at your weakest point. To deny this fact is unhelpful and maladaptive. At a point of weakness, you may be better off negotiating not fighting. In any case, Tsvangirai may be popular but are the people prepared to die for him should the democratic resistance get to that point?

Amilca Cabral once advised some soldiers that, “We will not die if we do not make war or if we do not attack the enemy at the point of his vulnerability. But if we make mistakes, if we find ourselves in a position of weakness, we will die; there is no other way out." He knew that cannons alone do not make a war and that the resolution of a war comes when the vulnerability of the oppressed becomes strength, capable of transforming the power of the oppressor.

I admire Welshman Ncube courage to admit that, “In 2000 we were given a mandate by the people to remove President Robert Mugabe. We are going back to congress in February, but he is still there. You have an obligation to report that we have failed to remove him. We have to report (even if) we say he stole the elections.”

The point has to be admitted and the faithful members will admit that you tried. You cannot do better than your best but you can keep trying, as long as you are united and disciplined.
Msekiwa Makwanya is a social commentator based in England. Contact can be made through makwanya@yahoo.com
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