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MDC proposals for the resolution of Zim crisis
New Zimbabwe.com has obtained a copy of a leaked internal MDC document advancing the idea of a negotiated political settlement with Zanu PF. In the interests of debate and broader participation, we reproduce the full document:
MDC PROPOSALS FOR THE RESOLUTION OF THE ZIMBABWEAN CRISIS
SIGN POSTS TO PEACE, DEMOCRACY, LEGITIMACY, RECONSTRUCTION AND NATIONAL HEALING
HARARE, MAY 2006
Preface
Zimbabwe today has the fastest shrinking economy in the world comparable only to a country at war. Its inflation rate, now above 1000 is higher than that of Iraq which is a post-conflict economy. The country faces an unprecedented economic decline whose root cause is political. The resolution of the crisis therefore lies in addressing the fundamental political problem. There is consensus among all stakeholders in Zimbabwe that the country has a flawed constitution inherited from the Lancaster house talks and which has been subsequently amended seventeen times within twenty five years of our independence.
As political, business, labour, student, church and civic society leaders, we have a responsibility to past, present and future generations to arrest the demise of a once prosperous nation. The proposals from the Movement For Democratic Change
(MDC) provide a framework for resolving the national crisis. The Road Map for achieving this is anchored on three pillars, namely, a Political Settlement and Agreement between the MDC and Zanu-PF on the framework of the Road Map, A Transitional Authority to preside over the writing of a New People driven Constitution and the conducting of Free and Fair Elections for all arms of government which are internationally supervised.
What the Road Map is offering is the best chance for a return to normality within a reasonable time –frame, together with the progressive establishment of self sustained, equitable economic reconstruction and a process of national healing and integration under a new legitimate government. We must all seize this opportunity, failing which history will judge us harshly.
Morgan Tsvangirai, MDC President
Table of Contents
1. Executive Summary 4-6
2. Introduction 7
3. The Consensus For Change 7-11
4. The Road Map 12
1. The Constitutional Agenda 12-17
2. The Transitional Mechanisms 18-21
5. Conclusions 21
Executive Summary
Introduction …
The political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe is well known and documented locally and abroad. This structural political and economic crisis arresting Zimbabwe can not be allowed to continue forever. Millions of Zimbabweans live in dire poverty and millions of Zimbabweans have fled into the Diaspora. The crisis therefore requires an urgent solution. Those of this generation owe it to the past and the future to Save Zimbabwe and to restore political and economic legitimacy that is as long overdue as it is essential.
The crisis clearly therefore requires an urgent solution and such a solution in our view, must recognise that at the core of the same are the issues of governance that emanate from a weak and ambiguous constitutional framework. In our view therefore, the lasting solution to the Zimbabwean crisis must place at its centre the crafting, by citizens of a new democratic people driven constitution that forms the basis of a solid and institutional democratic contract by citizens amongst citizens on how they want to be governed. Most importantly, the Constitution must take into account the abuse of Zimbabweans by decades of an authoritarian State in its pre and post colonial mode.
However the same Constitution must not only celebrate liberal values captured in a solid bill of rights but must be flexible enough to recognise the broad obligation on a New Zimbabwe to address issues of poverty and underdevelopment. Once a new people driven Constitution is in place, needless to say, the ultimate process of legitimization must surely be the conducting of free and fair elections in terms of the new Constitution under international supervision.
Consensus For Change
There is consensus in Zimbabwe about the need for change by Zimbabweans and for Zimbabweans. The same consensus also exists within the Sadc region, in Africa and the broader international community. The issue in the country today is no longer about whether there should be change but how that change should be achieved. When all has been said and done, only a negotiated political settlement provides for a resolution of the national crisis. The Road Map to a New Zimbabwe represents modest proposals by the MDC to the peaceful resolution of the national crisis leading to political and economic stability.
HOW TO GET TO THE ROAD MAP
The biggest challenge we face is how we implement the Road Map. Put simply, how do we persuade the ZanuPF Government to agree to the Road Map when it is so clear that the same and its machinery is a major shareholder and a major beneficiary to the current status quo. Indeed, the passing of Constitutional Amendment No.17 on the 30th August 2005, as well as the much talked about Constitutional Amendment No.18, show beyond any doubt ZanuPF's appetite to reproduce itself legally and extra legally way beyond 2010, a prospect that makes millions of Zimbabwean all over the world shudder to think of.
In our view, Zanu PF must accept the National Consensus towards change. It must adopt a fresh paradigm shift that recognises that change is inevitable and in fact is in its best interest. Zanu PF must recognise that National Consensus and National Dialogue with Zimbabweans are necessary in order to Save Zimbabwe and in order to save itself too. If this does not happen voluntarily, then surely the prospect of the country will be bleak.
On our part we will have no option as we in fact do not already have but to implement fully the resolutions of our historic Second People Congress that was held in Harare on the 16th to the 19th March 2006. Part of those resolutions mandated us to engage in peaceful non-violent Constitutional expressions beyond elections in order to persuade this present regime to accept the reality of change and the National Consensus towards a National Dialogue to address permanently the Zimbabwean crisis. In summary therefore, our proposed Road Map entails the following:-
Stage A: Negotiations and agreement between Zanu-Pf and MDC on the framework of the Road Map
Stage B. Negotiations between MDC and Zanu-PF on a Transitional authority
Stage C: Negotiations between Civil Society, ZanuPF, the MDC and other political formations on the involvement of Civic Society in various Transitional bodies including the Constitutional Conference.
Stage D: The enactment by Parliament of the Constitutional Conference Act and the necessary amendments to the Zimbabwean Constitution to cater for the Transitional Authority and Cabinet and any other matters incidental thereto.
Stage E: The Drafting of the New Constitution by the Constitutional Conference
Stage F: The holding of a Referendum on the new Constitution.
Stage G: The holding of free and fair elections for all arms of government under International supervision in terms of the New Constitution.
In our view, this Road Map offers Zimbabwe a clear opportunity to Save Itself.
The sign posts defined above, are processes which should be completed on or before March 2008.Time is not on our side as the nation is bleeding.
Conclusions
On the basis of the consensus for change amongst Zimbabweans and the international community, we owe it to present and future generations to move the agenda for change in order to resolve the long standing national crisis and build a New Zimbabwe...
PATHWAYS TO PEACE, DEMOCRACY, LEGITIMACY, RECONSTRUCTION & NATIONAL HEALING
2.0 Introduction
Change in Zimbabwe is inevitable. All the social, political and economic indices indicate that it is now no longer a matter of whether change will come about, but rather when, and specifically, how?
These modest proposals
are a demonstration of the MDC’s sincerity, good intention and
commitment to a peaceful resolution of the crisis through dialogue and
negotiations. They represent the MDC’s determination to chart
a course and a soft landing out of the crisis with minimum costs in
terms of human suffering. This objective can only be achieved through
a process of negotiations that includes broad and comprehensive national
consultations with all stakeholders, lead to a NEW CONSTITUTION, a democratic
transition, during which agreed measures are implemented, the polarized
nation stabilized and ultimately, free and fair elections are held.
3.0 The Consensus for change
There is now clear evidence and ingredients among all shades of reasonable and objective political opinion both internally and externally that the time or window of opportunity for democratic change has come. The whole nation is suffering as the economy and society hurtles towards unprecedented levels of degeneration and decay. The events of the past 6 years clearly demonstrate that there is no possible solution to the crisis outside a political solution and settlement, leading to democratic governance, economic recovery and international acceptability.
Inside Zimbabwe:
For the working people of Zimbabwe
As indicated above, people in Zimbabwe are suffering and are arrested in sever poverty and hardships. There is no question that to the ordinary working people, including those that are employed or unemployed, change is essential. These include the entire business community in its various trades.
For MDC:
* The opposition and ordinary Zimbabweans suffer from incessant political repression and the negative effects of a collapsed economy, which cannot be reconstructed under the present political conditions. Therefore, no possible relief on offer.
* Only a negotiated political settlement provides for a resolution of the crisis.
For ZANU PF:
* Has failed to provide any solution to the crisis except greater repression
* International isolation with all the negative political and economic consequences for the country and people. No available solution to remedy this situation.
* Illegitimacy in the eyes of a major component of the international community continues with negative consequences to the ZANU PF leaders and government.
* Opportunities for continued wealth accumulation are deteriorating and disappearing fast.
* Chronic political instability threatens the wealth already accumulated.
* No possible solution outside a negotiated settlement.
For both MDC and ZANU PF
* For the MDC and pro-change objective opinion within ZANU PF, there is already a theoretical agreement and emerging consensus on the need for political change.
* This emerging consensus must therefore be used to construct an agenda for political change through a NEW CONSTITUTION, free and fair elections leading to a new legitimate government generally acceptable to the majority of the people of Zimbabwe.
For the Region
Regional political opinion expects change and readily awaits motion in that direction.
* The region is suffering as the internal situation in Zimbabwe worsens, producing destabilizing effects through political and economic refugees and general economic chaos.
* Negative perceptions emanating from the Zimbabwe crisis create and enhance the objective perception of a hostile investment destination that scares away all forms of positive economic engagement.
* Zimbabwe’s role and capacity as guardian of food security in the SADC has been totally undermined.
For the Continent
* The Zimbabwe crisis has seriously damaged the entire continent’s efforts to establish new and rewarding political and trade relations with the rest of the world through the NEPAD initiative, representing lost opportunities that might take an unnecessary long period to retrieve should the crisis continue.
For the Rest of the International Community
* Events in the global flash points over the past decade has convinced the international community that it is best to avoid humanitarian catastrophe before the situation demands an expanded international intervention effort that is costly in terms of human life and resources.
There is therefore a general agreement among key Zimbabwean, political players, the region, the continent, and the international community that there is a critical imperative for change to resolve the crisis in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabweans must therefore seize this opportunity to:
1. define in specific
terms the nature of that change; and
2. embark on practical steps to achieve that change.
The region, the continent and the rest of the international community must therefore nudge the Mugabe administration to embrace the imperatives of political change.
Zimbabweans must solve their own political problems
The region, the continent and the international community have repeated one refrain to the Zimbabwe crisis;
* That Zimbabweans have to sort out their own problems.
Zimbabweans wholly accept this position and the consequent challenges, but
1. do so within the principles of international law and treaties many of which government here has ratified but fails still to domesticate or recognize in its internal laws and actions and
2. require others to recognize the impact their own actions have on this continuing crisis
The MDC and objective opinion within ZANU PF share a potential consensus on the need for a changed Zimbabwean political economy. This is the real basis upon which to construct a launching pad for a more precise definition of that “change” and the practical steps required to achieve it.
Challenges for the International Community
Therefore, the challenge today for the region, the continent and international community is to:
* Move away from the hitherto vague, uncontroversial, yet meaningless generalities about the need for democratic change in Zimbabwe and actively exploit the change potential and contribute to strengthening and crystallizing the immerging internal consensus for change.
* Help and strengthen suggested internal practical steps required to achieve that democratic change.
End Objective:
For the MDC, the end objective of the process of change targeted at ending the crisis is quite clear.
* A legitimate, domestically supported and internationally recognized government that is determined by the will of all adult Zimbabweans through a people driven and written new constitution leading to a free and fair election and paving the way for the installation of a democratically elected legitimate government. The elections envisaged after the new constitution would be for all arms of government i.e. The President, Parliament and local Government.
Entry Point to the Change process
Both key political players on the Zimbabwe terrain share a readily identifiable entry point into a process of political change that is guaranteed to produce a democratic political dispensation to end the political crisis, economic decay and general instability. Both the MDC and ZANU PF are agreed on the need for Constitutional Change
ZANU PF
* Has demonstrated its dissatisfaction with the Lancaster House Constitution through several constitutional amendments. In 1999, it started a process of Constitutional Reform, culminating in the 2000 Constitutional Draft that was rejected by the people not only for its lack of inclusiveness in its process, but also for having demonstrably departed from their own findings on what the people had said.
* Using the obsolete nominated seats in parliament and thus piggy-backing simple majorities, has continued against popular will, without a special mandate, and in violation of its own voluntarily incurred treaty obligations to effect more piecemeal constitutional amendments
* Currently is allegedly considering methods and strategies of bringing about yet another Constitutional amendment to abolish presidential elections scheduled for 2008 and reschedule them for 2010.
The alleged proposed latest Constitutional amendment is intended to serve the political party interests of ZANU PF in its quest for a succession formula to Robert Mugabe’s leadership. It addresses neither the primary or secondary causes of the crisis. Instead, it is simply a strategy to provide trappings of legality for an “inheritance elite” from within ZANU PF to perpetuate an illegitimate regime against the popular will.
The alleged proposed constitutional amendment has no popular demand or backing, and there is absolutely no evidence that it will restore political stability, democracy, legitimacy, context for economic reconstruction/recovery and international acceptability. It will entrench illegitimacy and autocracy, provoke a heightened tempo of democratic resistance and repressive response and bloodshed. It is a route that Zimbabweans would wish to avoid and expect the international community to deflect.
MDC
* Since its formation has identified the current Constitution as the root cause of the crisis of governance and socio-economic instability
* Has been opposed to piecemeal Constitutional Reform in favour of a comprehensive popular process leading to a democratic constitution.
* Spearheaded with other concerned groups the campaign to reject an illegitimate, arbitrary and clearly flawed draft constitution.
* Has continued to campaign for a new people-driven and written constitution.
Therefore, the readily available Common Political Denominator for both the MDC and ZANU PF = A NEW CONSTITUTION
4.0 The Road Map
4.1 The Constitutional Agenda
Both the MDC and ZANU PF regard the Lancaster House Constitution as inadequate and have reacted differently. The MDC has continued to campaign ceaselessly for a new people-driven and written constitution. For ZANU PF, in spite of several constitutional amendments initiated and implemented by it, remains dissatisfied with the Amended Lancaster House Constitution.
This general dissatisfaction with the current constitution by both MDC and ZANU PF should provide a viable and valuable entry route into a change process designed to bring about a popular democratic government through a NEW CONSTITUTION based on the popular will of the people of Zimbabwe. This must constitute a common political denominator for a purposive engagement between the MDC and ZANU PF to resolve the political crisis and usher in a democratic dispensation as a basis for peace and economic reconstruction and recovery.
Honest and objective political opinion would and must accept that the process towards a new popular constitution forms a viable basis for dialogue and negotiations towards the resolution of the crisis.
The following proposals are therefore intended to construct a basis for, and build upon this generally acceptable principle of Constitutional Reform
The Political Change Process: A New People Driven Constitution.
The MDC, on reviewing past developments/events and drawing logical projections to the future, is convinced that a process of negotiations, leading to a New Constitution, and subsequent period of democratic transition, is the only way out of a stalemate that promises to become increasingly violent and deadly.
The Objective of Dialogue and Negotiations.
The proposed negotiations are not about paving the way for the MDC to go into power under the present political dispensation. They are not about a Coalition Government or a Government of National Unity. That route does not:
+ Address the core issues of the crisis
+ Restore legitimacy and democracy.
+ Lay the ground for verifiable popular democratic support for government.
+ Reduce politic tension and general polarization in the nation.
+ Create a favourable context for economic reconstruction and recovery;
+ Pave the way for international acceptability and support.
Instead, the MDC believes that the resolution of the crisis goes beyond easy options and arrangements of simple political convenience. The process of negotiations must be about broader and more fundamental issues:
* Anchoring a new political culture.
* Putting in place safeguards that vaccinate against future regression into dictatorship.
* A quest to deliberately invent a democratic future.
Negotiations should be about guaranteeing the sanctity of the _expression of the popular will and its entrenchment in the management of public affairs through a New Constitution. This means that the right of Zimbabweans to choose government and political leaders of their own choice freely and fairly in peaceful circumstances and the protection and enhancement of their basic civil liberties, social, political and economic rights is central to the process and its outcome.
Any other formula, which seeks to overlook these fundamental requirements, however crafty projected, will constitute a dangerous false start. It is therefore only scenarios that give pride of place to the sanctity of legitimacy, popular will and sovereignty that stand a chance of becoming embraced by the people of Zimbabwe.
Negotiations
A Consensus
There is already a firm basis for constitutional negotiations, out of the commonly perceived imperative for a new constitution by both the MDC and ZANU PF. Both political parties agree that there is need for a new constitution. This emerging consensus can be strengthened by additional measures by each political party.
ZANU PF can Assist the Strengthening of the Consensus by:
* Normalising domestic activity by creating an environment that is conducive to fruitful discussions and broad national consultations.
* Repealing sections of repressive laws that proscribe freedom of speech, assembly and press (POSA, AIPPA) all of which are fundamental and indispensable to free political discussion and national consultations during the entire process
* Disbanding informal and illegal political organs of the ruling party – youth militias – and reigning in the violent activities of the so-called war veterans.
* Ensuring impartial law enforcement.
* Immunising the army, police and central intelligence from active political processes.
Such minimal acts would have an immensely positive impact on the strengthening of a consensus on the constitutional negotiations and demonstrate good faith and confidence building.
For the MDC
* A suspension of mass action and other methods of democratic resistance/civil disobedience.
If the two political parties abandon those positions and strategies that had created a standoff and exacerbated the stalemate, sufficient ground would have been created to mount fruitful discussions.
Primary / Key Players / Participants
MDC and ZANU PF
The negotiations must be seen and understood to be the coming together of the two political parties; MDC and ZANU PF, but with a significant measurable input from the broad Zimbabwean civil society sector.
* The negotiations should NOT and should NEVER be seen to be between MDC and the Government. They are to be between two political parties, the MDC and ZANU PF.
* All state institutions should not be involved in this exercise and must be immunized from the possible divisive consequences of discussions still in progress.
Civil Society
The success of negotiations and transitions elsewhere, not least in neighboring South Africa, illustrates pivotally, that no progress can be made without the majority of citizens. Participation of the broad civil society is therefore absolutely critical. It widens the process and strengthens stakeholder support. Wide stakeholder support and input would ensure that negotiations are accountable to the population at large. It is therefore vital that:
* A mechanism is constructed to ensure a guaranteed, regular and formal participation into the process by Zimbabwe civil society.
* Related sets of multi-party and civil society conferences are built into the process.
Zimbabwean Society in General
Political parties – MDC, ZANU PF and civil society will serve as conduits for the views of the general public. Hence the need for the restoration of normal political activity.
Media
There can be no informed or real popular debate while the media is monopolized by one party and one view. It can hardly stand to the credit of an experienced and well educated politician that he allows his people to hear no voice but his own. The media must be opened, and not just to both parties but also to the plurality of people and opinions.The Institutional Framework for the Constitutional Reform Process
The MDC is convinced that the Constitutional Reform Programme must be conducted in a way that guarantees the satisfaction of three fundamental criteria
* Broad, national/popular support.
* Legitimacy – obtained through majority endorsement.
* Popular participation in constitution making – largely because democratically elected people are necessary, but not sufficient to making constitutions owned by the people and understood by the people themselves.
The only way capable of public rational defense is for a process of direct negotiations/discussions between the MDC and ZANU PF, with built-in mechanisms for input by civil society and the general Zimbabwean public, to start:
* As soon as possible with a target date for the finalization of the process must coincide with the scheduled date for the 2008 presidential poll but ameliorative measures at least should be put in place much more rapidly.
* Using an agenda focused on the establishment of a people-driven New Constitution and Transitional/Interim Administrative Transitional Arrangements and ultimately a clear timetable for elections.
* With the emerging primary framework completed by speedy processes to organize new voters roll, establishment of critical election institutions and the repeal of all anti-democratic repressive legislation.
We believe that the foregoing proposals do capture these cardinal democratic constitutional-making criteria. The baseline for the negotiations should be an acceptable constitution and internationally certified free and fair elections. Anything less will exacerbate the crisis.
Facilitation
Team
The Objective
Serious and productive negotiations held under the auspices of a mutually agreed broker or broking team, involving the top leadership of the MDC and ZANU PF, to outline, agree and implement clear deliverables.
Formal, Structured Negotiations between MDC and ZANU PF should be:
* Facilitated by
an agreed team of facilitators drawn from a wide catchment area –
national, SADC, AU, UN, Commonwealth, EU etc, (not necessarily all-inclusive)
and;
* Assisted in various ways by a wide range of actors in the broader
international community.
Bi-Partisan Negotiation Team
The two political parties should establish a legally recognized Bi-partisan Negotiating Team (BNT) to meet as soon as possible to map the route forward, discuss and agree on key issues to the process and draft the Constitutional Reform Agenda for the Constitutional Conference. The two parties in the Bi-partisan Negotiating Team must agree to:
* The composition
* Structure
* Terms of reference; and
* Methods of work of the Constitutional Conference
Constitutional Conference
An Act of Parliament
should establish the Constitutional Conference
Peace / Violence Monitoring Committee
* To be established by an Act of Parliament to ensure that consensus building measures conceded by the two political parties remain intact.
* Monitor closely and ensure that the general political environment remains peaceful and conducive to fruitful discussions and extensive political consultations with the public.
End Objective
A New Constitution that:
* Guarantees free and fair elections under national, regional, continental, and international monitoring and observation
* Entrenches the
establishment (restoration of) full human and civil rights.
* Entrenches the rule of law.
Referendum / Test of Acceptability
The litmus test that the End Objective had been achieved rests with the people of Zimbabwe. The Draft Constitution should be subject to A Test of Acceptability by the Zimbabweans through a REFERENDUM
4.2 TRANSITIONAL
ARRANGEMENTS
Methodology
There has to be a clear method, timeframes and signposts on the road to political transition.
Enabling Measures
Agreed enabling measures are critical to the success of the entire transition process. Such enabling measures and the consequent institutional framework for their implementation are designed to
* Vaccinate against the possibility of either the ZANU PF dominated Parliament of Robert Mugabe unilaterally enacting legislation or using Presidential Powers to adversely affect the transition process or the conduct of the poll itself.
* Establish the conditions for joint accountability of both parties to the implementation of measures agreed to by the Bi-partisan Negotiating Team through an agreed national executive mechanism.
* Establish the national institutional framework for supervising the implementation of agreed measures with defined frameworks.
* Establish a credible internationally backed monitoring and verification mechanism, which can ensure that the process meets agreed principles and is directed toward the agreed objective.
* Protect national sovereignty; and
* Ensure the backing of the MDC in those areas needed to restore legitimacy through free and fair elections.
Institutional Framework
A Standing Committee on Peace and Political Violence that will be composed of eminent national persons and will be responsible for the monitoring and recommending to the TEC on issues contributing towards the maintenance of political peace and security.
A Bi-partisan Negotiating Team that will comprise of senior representatives of the MDC and ZANU PF, facilitated by an agreed team of brokers, that will establish the parameters of the process towards free and fair elections and agreed immediate areas threatening national interest, critically food and humanitarian relief. The BNT shall be a deliberative body
A Transitional Executive Council (TEC to be established by an Act of Parliament) that will be vested will all executive powers and functions of Government in relation to the implementation of the new constitution and the transition process and the critical areas of food and humanitarian relief. The TEC will wield executive powers pertaining to the transition process. For the avoidance of doubt, the Tec shall wield all powers, exercise functions and duties that will ensure that specified and agreed conditions, and transitional measures are implemented.
Composition of the TEC;
The TEC shall comprise of equal numbers of representatives of the two negotiating political parties with ideally no more than 16 members in total. The Chairmanship and Deputy Chairmanship of the TEC shall be agreed between the negotiating political parties. They may either be drawn from the UN, SADC, or could rotate for fixed times between the MDC and ZANU PF teams.
Functions of TEC:
The TEC shall be an executive and supervisory body and not a deliberative body, which role shall be carried out by the BNT. Any matters not adequately resolved to allow implementation at the level of the TEC shall be referred back to the BNT for resolution. All decisions and agreements arrived at by the BNT shall be transmitted to the TEC for expeditious implementation. The TEC shall have such powers as to ensure that both parties adhere to all agreed measures.
The BNT shall refer all agreed decisions to the TEC for implementation, and the TEC shall relate to Parliament, the judiciary and other national institutions for such implementation. The TEC shall in particular link with Parliament in matters that require legislation to give operational effect to the agreements and to ensure the budgetary appropriations for the agreed measures and institutional mechanisms.
Parliament in the entire period shall be bound not to pass any new security legislation or laws in matters relating to the confidence building measures, elections or associated matters without this emanating from the TEC.
The TEC and the State President & Cabinet.
The BNT shall agree on the specific powers retained by the President and Cabinet. In general, the President and Cabinet will retain residual powers in some areas of government not explicitly put under authority of the TEC. Sole areas of authority-retained will, however, not be exercised under agreement of the BNT.
National Implementation Committee (NIC) will comprise of representatives of parties, civil society, labour, business, churches that will be responsible for supervising the implementation of the agreed measures for the transition process and immediate areas of national concern such as food and humanitarian relief. The NIC will report to the TEC
A Security Monitoring Task Force (SEMOTAF) will monitor national security related to the transition process. It will report to the TEC on compliance with agreed measures and implement remedies agreed by the BNT through the TEC. SEMOTAF will comprise of 12 members (to ensure provincial coverage) for police, army and intelligence. Drawn from technical representatives of international community (SADC, AU, and UN) 12 national members drawn from the two parties and 12 from civil society. The Chairman and Deputy Chairman shall be drawn from the international community. SAMOTAF shall report to TEC.
The International Monitoring Committee (IMC) shall monitor the entire negotiating, constitutional making and the transition process. The committee will comprise high-level representative of the international community (SADC, AU, and UN) and will report back to the International community. It will have authority to obtain information from the structures (NIC, SEMATAF, TEC, SADC, and AU) on the implementation of the process. It will deal with disputes on the implementation process and refer its findings on these back to the TEC or BNT teams as appropriate. Verification teams that will cover all political provinces and will comprise international technical personnel will back it.
An Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) that will be set up by the BNT through the TEC and reporting to the TEC and will supervise the election within the context of the international supervision and monitoring agreed to by the parties.
An Independent Self Regulatory Media Commission that will be set up by the media fraternity after the enactment of an enabling Act of Parliament and will facilitate the role and supervise the conduct of public and independent media broadcasters and print media to ensure compliance with the standards of impartiality and fair comment.
5.0 Conclusions
There is general agreement among key Zimbabwean political players, the region, the continent and the broader international community that there is a critical imperative for change to resolve the crisis in Zimbabwe. There is further consensus among all that the fundamental problem in Zimbabwe which has led to an economic crisis is political. Zimbabweans and the rest of the family of nations agree that the Zimbabweans themselves must chart the way forward in resolving the Zimbabwean problem.
The role of the
international community is to provide support for homegrown solutions
to change. Zimbabweans must therefore seize this opportunity to define
in specific terms the nature of that change and embark on practical
steps to achieve that desired change and thereby give birth to a New
democratic and prosperous Zimbabwe, fulfilling the dreams of freedom
and development for its entire people.
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