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Moyo on MDC strategy, Mugabe's legitimacy and unity government

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

1. INTRODUCTION

• After I received an invitation to today’s discussion, a media friend of mine who is one of the administrators of this club and who is also very active in the MDC Tsvangirai party told me that the reason for the invitation was to enable me to clarify some remarks I made recently at the Bulawayo Press Club which my friend said were too critical of Tsvangirai and about which he said I needed to be roasted.

• In addition, my media and MDC friend said I needed to explain myself in the light of what he claimed were growing reports within both the MDC Tsvangirai and the media fraternity in general that I am on the verge of rejoining Zanu PF as these reports were of major concern to him and many others in the media and opposition politics.

• Well, I shall address the first point in some detail as a substantive issue in a little while because I think it raises fundamental questions about the state of tolerance in our national politics and the future thereof.

• Regarding the second issue, I do not see any reason why I should come here and justify or defend my political affiliation as if I don’t know that freedom of association is a constitutionally protected fundamental right to which each and every one of us is entitled.

• The record will show that I have not and will never delegate my right to freedom of association to anybody whether in the media, opposition politics, Zanu PF or the so-called international community. The right is mine and mine alone. The only people who matter in terms of how I exercise that right are members of my family.

• Otherwise, for the avoidance of any doubt, I don’t mind reminding those who want to know that I am happily the duly elected Independent Member of the House of Assembly for Tsholotsho North yet to be sworn in. Nothing is about to change in that regard.

2. TSVANGIRAI & HIS MDC NOT IMMUNE FROM CRITICISM

• But the one question that requires some substantive reflection is about the alleged concern about my criticism of Tsvangirai.

• I must say with all respect to those concerned that I am quite alarmed by the suggestion that Tsvangirai is or should be above criticism and that somehow criticizing him constitutes a political crime.

• The fact is that Tsvangirai is clearly part of the national leadership in this country and all leaders, especially those who aspire to hold the highest office of the land and who, like Tsvangirai, style themselves as democratic and for democratic change, must be subject to serious and enlightened public criticism.

• I do not and will never subscribe to the underdeveloped notion that any criticism of President Mugabe is by definition tantamount to endorsement of Tsvangirai nor do I subscribe to the converse that any criticism of Tsvangirai is ipso facto an endorsement of President Mugabe. There is more to life than that.

• Contrary to emotive claims that the presidential election in Zimbabwe ended up as a sham of a one man race, we all know that the Presidential election that started on March 29 and ended on June 27 had four candidates. I for one have had opportunity to publicly criticize three of those: namely President Mugabe, Simba Makoni and Morgan Tsvangirai in their capacities as acknowledged national leaders.

• I have not had time nor desire to even bother about the other candidate whose name I cannot even remember simply because he is not a national leader and must have been a front of some unknown shadowy force out there.

• Those in opposition politics or in the media who think that public criticism of national leaders should only be restricted to criticising Makoni, Mugabe and other Zanu PF politicians are either naïve or stupid.

• I have criticized Tsvangirai’s withdrawal and his manner of withdrawal from the Presidential Runoff election not only because there was a rational basis for believing he could win that runoff but also because his withdrawal was an unfortunate vote of no confidence in the electorate.

• In fact, the withdrawal was a betrayal of the electorate and an attack on the democratic process which amplified serious leadership failure on Tsvangirai’s part.

• I shall further explain these considerations shortly.

3. CLARIFYING THE QUESTION OF VIOLENCE

• I am aware that the one reason given for Tsvangirai’s withdrawal was that political violence, intimidation and harassment had gotten out of hand and that the withdrawal was necessary to stop that violence and the attendant intimidation and harassment.

• Yes, there is no doubt or debate about the fact that there was indeed deplorable political violence and intimidation in some parts of the country notably in the provinces of Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland East, Manicaland and parts of Masvingo province but certainly not though out the country.

• That violence which should be condemned in the strongest possible terms resulted in the murder of scores of people and injury to many more while some had their houses burnt down leading to the displacement of a number of families.

• And while most of the reported cases of the violence were inter-party, pitting Zanu PF against MDC Tsvangirai and vice versa, there are many unreported cases of intra-party violence and intimidation which took place within Zanu PF during pungwes in Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland East, Masvingo and Manicaland.

• I have been shocked and disappointed by the claim made by Tsvangirai and others in his party, the media, in the UK and the US who have claimed that the political violence and intimidation seen between last April and June 25 has never been seen in Zimbabwe since independence in 1980.

• Even more shocking, this patently false and self-serving claim features prominently in black and white in Tsvangirai’s formal 25 June letter to ZEC withdrawing from the runoff.

• This claim is a very cheap, most unfortunate and utterly scandalous attempt to falsify Zimbabwe’s political and electoral history.

• The fact that is still crying out loud in our country waiting for resolution is that the period leading to and after the 1985 general election was the darkest in the political and electoral history of this country. The political violence, intimidation and harassment against the membership, supporters and leadership of PF Zapu that preceded and followed that election has not been equalled by anything since then.

• There is nothing to be gained in political terms by counting dead bodies in order to turn that into a political manifesto. This is what the MDC Tsvangirai and its British and American supporters have been doing with the political violence that took place in Zimbabwe between April 4 and June 25.

• But it is a well known fact that for some 24 months before the 1985 general election, the Matabeleland and Midlands provinces had the Fifth Brigade deployed there during which some 20,000 people were massacred while many more were tortured, maimed, had their homes destroyed or their livelihood lost. All this happened when the whole country was still under the brutal Rhodesian state of emergency and communities in Matabeleland and the Midlands provinces were under a dehumanising dusk to dawn curfew from 6pm to 6am.

• Victims of these atrocities feel insulted and demeaned by Tsvangirai’s false and politically insensitive claim that the violence that happened in the run up to the runoff is unprecedented in Zimbabwe’s political and electoral history.

• I just cannot bring myself to supporting Tsvangirai’s political falsification of history for his own political gains, as someone who represents a constituency that bore the brunt of the Gukurahundi atrocities when the Fifth Brigade was first deployed in Tsholotsho in January 1983 and continued to suffer those atrocities beyond the 1985 general election.

• Those who cannot understand this fundamental concern have a problem and they should not expect me to solve their problem.

4. TSVANGIRAI’S WITHDRAWAL FROM THE RUNOFF WAS ILL-ADVISED

• Against this backdrop, I believe Tsvangirai’s withdrawal from the runoff on the basis that there was unprecedented violence and political intimidation against the electorate is not historically justified.

• Whether intended or not, the impact of Tsvangirai’s withdrawal from the runoff was (a) to deny the electorate an opportunity to demonstrate its maturity by expressing itself even under the most difficult circumstances and (b) to hold the electorate in contempt on grounds that it is not mature or strong willed enough to withstand political violence and intimidation and therefore could be trusted to vote its own conscience against all odds.

• What was even more disturbing about Tsvangirai’s withdrawal from the runoff is that there was no consultation over the decision with other democratic forces in the country whose support Tsvangirai, his fundraisers and political surrogates apparently want to take for granted. Their futile expectation was that the MDC cabal would make the decision and everyone else would simply fall in line and support that decision because anything that Tsvangirai does or says must be supported by all progressive and democratic forces without any question or criticism.

• That kind of approach, which really smacks of the same old stuff, cannot foster the development of a new or alternative democratic culture and process in Zimbabwe.

• It did not matter that the decision to withdraw from the runoff four days before the fact sharply contradicted Tsvangirai’s widely publicised position that he believed he did not have to campaign at all and that he could just stay at home and wait for June 27 as no amount of violence, intimidation or harassment would sway the electorate against him because in his view it had already made up its mind in his favour.

5. THE CAUSE OF THE POOR DECISION TO WITHDRAW FROM THE RUNOFF

• A question that follows from the foregoing is this: what caused Tsvangirai to make what I believe was a wrong decision to withdraw from the runoff at the eleventh hour without any consultation with other democratic forces and against his own public position in support of the runoff and to the detriment of the growth and development of the democratic process in the country?

• Although this issue remains unexamined in the media, I believe the real reason behind that decision and indeed other poor decisions taken recently by Tsvangirai is because he and his MDC have become victims of their near success on March 29, 2008.

• In particular, since March 29, the decision making process in Tsvangirai and the MDC has been hijacked by some dangerously ambitious outsiders and is now firmly in the reckless hands of the party’s leading fundraisers, namely Strive Masiyiwa and Roy Bennett.

• This is now creating very serious but untold problems for Tsvangirai, creating problems for his so-called kitchen cabinet and creating more problems for the now disempowered MDC structures which can no longer make head or tail of what is happening within the party.

• For example, Masiyiwa has seconded to Tsvangirai Wellington Chadeumbe and George Sibotshiwe who are now at the centre of the MDC’s decision making and communication virtually from nowhere in political terms as far as the MDC structures are concerned.

• As a result, Tsvangirai’s so-called kitchen cabinet and the party structures have been successfully marginalised and sidelined by Masiyiwa and Bennett as they are no longer consulted on key party decisions.

• Tsvangirai himself now typically makes contradictory statements by the day such that in any given week he makes at least seven internally contradictory statements about one and the same thing.

• There have also been glaringly contradictory statements coming from Tsvangirai, Tendai Biti and Nelson Chamisa.

• All these developments have been particularly pronounced since the MDC’s near success on March 29 and following the rise of the MDC Tsvangirai’s fundraisers to the centre of the party’s decision making.

• One of the consequences of this development which has cost the MDC politically was the decision for Tsvangirai and Biti to leave Zimbabwe in early April, just a few days after the March 29 election, and to remain in self-imposed exile for some six weeks during which the internal structures of the party lost cohesion as all decisions were now being made not only by the party’s fundraisers but they were also being literally made outside the country where Tsvangirai and Biti were.

• Foreign interests that influence things in the MDC, especially the British government, have taken advantage of this situation as they are finding it much easier to work through Roy Bennett and Strive Masiyiwa than through the so-called kitchen cabinet or the more complicated MDC’s structures.

• This has given the British and American governments false confidence to make Zimbabwe’s national politics their business.

• Even the United Nations has, through this window, allowed itself to be used to concern itself with a disputed presidential election as if unaware that most of its membership is well known for holding the funniest elections that are too comical to even worry about.

• I know that there are some or even many in the MDC Tsvangirai who would deny this with red faces until the cows come home but I can tell you that I am not making anything up because this is factual and there is more to it than I have said.

6. WHO IS THE PRESIDENT OF ZIMBABWE: Contrasting legal legitimacy with political legitimacy

• With this background in mind, who is the President of Zimbabwe?

• In terms of legal legitimacy, it is clear that Mugabe is the President of Zimbabwe. One does not need to hold a brief from him to appreciate this point.

• I have heard and read media references to the June 27 runoff as a one horse race or one man election.

• That is not the legally correct position. We all know that there were initially four candidates, then there were two and then there was one who was legally the winner after the other one withdrew.

• There was no legal need to have the formality of an election on June 27 after Tsvangirai formally withdrew on June 25. At the point of that withdrawal, ZEC could and should have declared the winner and spared us from the political formality of an election that was no longer legally necessary.

• In fact, and strictly speaking, Tsvangirai elected Mugabe alone through his ill-advised withdrawal. It is ludicrous for any to unilaterally withdraw from an election four days before it takes place and legally expect to be declared the winner of the same election.

• The ZEC argument that Tsvangirai should have withdrawn 21 days before March 29 to avoid a runoff is nonsensical. The fact of the matter is that ZEC failed to publish regulations specifically dealing with the runoff not least because of its inexplicable and unfortunate delay in announcing the March 29 presidential outcome.

• However, while President Mugabe does have legal legitimacy as President, his political legitimacy is under serious contestation.

• He clearly has a political problem and that is partly why he has committed himself to a government of national unity and that is indeed also why there must be negotiations to achieve a political settlement outside the election process.

7. THE INEVITABILITY OF A GNU

• The major reason that makes negotiations on a government of national unity necessary is because there is no single party in the House of Assembly that has the required minimum number of seats to either control Parliament or form a government.

• While it has been common to find claims in the media that the MDC Tsvangirai has a majority in Parliament, the reality is contrary to that.

• For any party to have the required majority in the House of Assembly, it must have at least 106 seats. The MDC Tsvangirai has 100, Zanu PF had 99 and now it has 98 following the death of one of its elected candidates from Gokwe, the MDC Mutambara has 10 with one Independent.

• One clearest failure of the MDC Tsvangirai is that to this day it does not have a binding or functional agreement with the MDC Mutambara to cooperate in Parliament.

• In fact, the MDC Mutambara formation is continuing to participate in the Sadc dialogue as a fully fledged opposition party with all of its rights still reserved.

• Tsvangirai would have been strategic had he succeeded in ensuring that the two MDCs participated in the dialogue as one voice. He has lost that opportunity and with it he may have lost the opportunity to control Parliament, having already lost the presidency.

CONCLUSION

• Notwithstanding the grandstanding in the media, it is now obvious that there is no way forward for Zimbabwe outside a government of national unity.

• As I have already mentioned, at the very least the composition of the House of Assembly dictates that.

• I believe that the Sadc mediation process will succeed because there’s no better alternative.

• Indeed, this is the position that has now been taken by everyone who matters in the country, Sadc, African Union, EU and the United Nations.

• What remains to be seen is who will be what in the government of national unity. Some of that will be determined by Mugabe in terms of his legal legitimacy and some of it will be a result of the Sadc dialogue because of challenges to Mugabe’s political legitimacy.

Russia, China block Zimbabwe sanctions

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

CHINA and Russia on Friday blocked a US draft resolution in the UN Security Council that would have slapped sanctions on Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe over his disputed re-election.

The Chinese and Russian envoys joined their colleagues from South Africa, Libya and Vietnam in opposing the draft which would have imposed an assets freeze and a travel ban on Mugabe and 13 of his cronies, as well as an arms embargo. Indonesia abstained.

Voting in favour in Friday's vote were the United States, Britain, France, Burkina Faso, Belgium, Costa Rica, Italy, Panama and Croatia.

The sponsors said the sanctions were needed to put pressure on Mugabe to stop the violence against his political foes and enhance prospects of democratic rule through a power sharing deal with opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.

Opponents argued that passage of the text would undermine ongoing South African-mediated negotiations between Zimbabwe's ruling party and its opposition and would have run counter to the wishes of African Union leaders at their summit in Egypt earlier this month.

They also said Zimbabwe's political crisis did not amount to a threat to regional or international peace and security and said adopting the sanctions would have amounted to interference in the domestic affairs of a sovereign state.

Britain's UN Ambassador John Sawers, whose country is Zimbabwe's former colonial ruler, said the 15-member "missed the opportunity to impose a legal obligation on Mugabe's government to end the violence and intimidation which have scarred Zimbabwe."

"We have missed the opportunity to back up South Africa's mediation efforts with something more than words," he added.

He said the sponsors would have to look "for further opportunities both here and elsewhere" to assist the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe.

His US counterpart Zalmay Khalilzad said he wad "disappointed by the Russian and Chinese vetoes.

The "U-turn" in the Russian position was particularly "disturbing" and raises questions about Moscow's "reliability as a G8 partner," he added.

Khalilzad said Russian President Dmitry Medvedev earlier this week supported a G8 statement at a summit in Japan that promised new actions, including targeted "financial measures" against Mugabe and his cronies.

The US envoy also had some harsh words for South Africa, accusing its President Thabo Mbeki of protecting Mugabe.

Khalilzad said this was a "source of disappointment, given the history of South Africa."

French Ambassador Jean-Maurice Ripert told reporters that Friday's vote was "a failure for the Security Council."

"We think some sanctions should have been added to get the people responsible for the violence to change their attitude," he said. "We regret what has happened."

His Chinese counterpart Wang Guangya said adopting the sanctions would have been "counterproductive" and would have undermined the South African-mediated talks between the rival Zimbabwean parties.

"We support the efforts by the African Union and President Mbeki to bring all the parties together," he added.

Zimbabwe's UN Ambassador Boniface Chidyausiku expressed gratitude to those council members who voted against the sanctions.

"Putting more sanctions on Zimbabwe would not have helped the people of Zimbabwe," he added.

The vote came as Zimbabwe's Zanu PF ruling party and opposition Movement for Democratic Change held a second day of talks in South Africa.

The talks, aimed at laying the groundwork for fully fledged negotiations to resolve Zimbabwe's political crisis, were the first since Mugabe won a new term as president in a June 27 poll widely denounced as a sham.

The US draft would have demanded that the Harare government "begin without delay a substantive dialogue between the parties with the aim of arriving at a peaceful solution that reflects the will of the Zimbabwean people as expressed by the March 29 (first-round presidential) elections."

Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai won that first round but fell short of a majority. He pulled out of the run-off citing a campaign of violence and intimidation. - AFP

MDC, Zanu PF talks enter second day

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

TALKS between Zimbabwe’s ruling Zanu PF party and two opposition factions entered a second day on Friday, with officials mainly haggling over conditions for “substantive talks” which could result in a face-to-face meeting between President Robert Mugabe and his rivals.

There was confusion on Friday afternoon when an opposition spokesman made a statement that Tendai Biti, the chief negotiator for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) faction led by Morgan Tsvangirai had left the talks in South Africa and was returning to Zimbabwe.

Nqobizitha Mlilo said in an interview with Associated Press that more talks are expected, but could not set a date. He stressed that Biti was in South Africa not to open negotiations, but to lay down conditions for talks including an end to violence blamed on Mugabe's supporters.

However, New Zimbabwe.com got through to Professor Welshman Ncube, the chief negotiator for a rival MDC faction led by Arthur Mutambara who said they would not be breaking off until Saturday.

“Tendai is here as I speak, and to my knowledge we are all leaving for Zimbabwe on Saturday,” Professor Ncube said.

The talks, aimed at laying the groundwork for fully-fledged negotiations to resolve Zimbabwe's political crisis, are the first since Mugabe won a new term as president in a June 27 poll widely denounced as a sham.

In New York, the United Nations Security Council delayed a crucial vote to slap fresh sanctions on Mugabe and 13 of his cronies as opponents of the measures expressed support for the South African-mediated talks.

Held in an undisclosed location in Pretoria, the talks were being kept under wraps as the parties set conditions for negotiations.

Tsvangirai has insisted substantive negotiations can only take place if violence is halted and over 1,500 "political prisoners" are released.

They have also called for an expanded mediation team including an African Union permanent envoy and the swearing in of lawmakers as the opposition now controls parliament.

"Those are the issues, that's the sole agenda. There is no substantive agenda," Mlilo said.

South African President Thabo Mbeki is the region's long-time mediator between the opposition and Mugabe's ruling party.

South African government officials -- though not Mbeki himself -- were involved in the discussions in the capital Pretoria, said presidential spokesman Mukoni Ratshitanga.

Zanu PF was represented by Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa and Labour Minister Nicholas Goche, and the MDC factions by Tendai Biti, Elton Mangoma, Welshman Ncube and Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga.

MDC polling agent found murdered - party

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

ZIMBABWE’S main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) said Friday that a party activist who served as a polling agent in general elections on March 29 has been found murdered after he went missing last week.

The party released graphic images showing a decomposed body which it said was that of Gift Mutsvungunu, who was its polling agent in Kuwadzana East, a suburb of the capital, Harare.

The body was found in Kuwadzana 3 after his kidnap on Saturday last week.

Mutsvungunu’s body shows signs of intense torture, his eyes were gouged out and his backside suffered serious burns, the party said in a statement.

“There is reasonable suspicion that state security agents killed him,” the MDC said, adding that his injuries were “consistent with those of other deceased persons who were abducted and later killed by state security agents”.

The MDC says since March 29, at least 113 of its supporters have been killed by militias loyal to President Robert Mugabe.

After MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai led in a first round presidential ballot on March 29, Mugabe’s supporters unleashed a wave of violence leading up to a runoff between the two leaders on June 27. Tsvangirai pulled out of the election, accusing Mugabe of widespread intimidation of his supporters.

Early this week, the MDC released graphic images showing a decomposed body which it said was that of Joshua Bakacheza, a driver for the party abducted by “state security agents” on June 25 in Mashonaland West Province.

The MDC said the body, scorched by heat, was discovered last Saturday on a farm in Beatrice, some 30km out of Harare.

Britain stops Zimbabwe deportations

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

BRITAIN has frozen all removals of failed asylum seekers to Zimbabwe, Prime Minister Gordon Brown announced Thursday.
Unrest after the disputed June 27 presidential elections made deportation impossible, the PM told MPs.

He added: "They are prevented from leaving through no fault of their own."

Zimbabweans unable to work in the UK because of their failed asylum status will get accommodation and vouchers to ensure they are not destitute, Brown said.

The Prime Minister spoke as Zimbabweans gathered in London on Friday for a church service and march to press for asylum seekers “to be allowed to work and acquire skills”.

The march, held under the banner of ‘Free UK Zimbabweans From Limbo’ and ‘Strangers Into Citizens’ is supported by several MPs and the Archbishop of York, John Sentamu.

The march started at St Margaret’s Church, Westminster Abbey, where Archbishop Sentamu conducted a church service. The marchers, including Labour MP Kate Hoey and trade unionist Jack Dromey, then went up to the Home Office in Parliament Square to present a petition.

“Britain can best help Zimbabwe in its dark hour by enabling its future leaders to acquire the skills to rebuild the country when the opportunity comes,” campaigners said in a statement. “Instead, thousands of Zimbabwean exiles in the UK live in limbo – de-motivated and de-skilled.”

They called on the Home Office to allow Zimbabweans temporary access to work and job placement and training.

Dr Sentamu told BBC News: "The government finds itself between a rock and a hard place because of the rules they've made themselves.

"Whilst they've removed the rule of exceptional leave to remain, it means that people find themselves in this kind of limbo.

"The home secretary has given us an undertaking that those people who are facing destitution should present themselves and then the government may try and give them some kind of aid and support.

"My view would be that if people are qualified and have got jobs why not give them leave so they can work and continue to keep their skills going."

He added: "I would rather they earned their own money instead of depending on the taxpayers but with very clear rules that say that 'we will determine when we feel the time is right for you to go back'."

"We need a bit of pragmatism rather than simply sticking to rules and regulations."

Campaigners say between 11,000 and 15,000 Zimbabweans are affected.

US, UK sanctions push in trouble as MDC, Zanu PF resume talks

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

NEGOTIATORS from Zimbabwe’s ruling Zanu PF party and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) were meeting in South Africa for the first time since the disputed June 27 presidential election run-off in the latest push to find a breakthrough to a festering political crisis.

Representatives from the two MDC factions met Thursday with negotiators from Zanu PF and their South African facilitators just as the United States and Britain prepared to push through a resolution imposing sanctions on Zimbabwe.

Professor Welshman Ncube, secretary general of the MDC faction led by Arthur Mutambara confirmed by telephone that they were locked in talks, but declined to discuss details.

“Everyone who has been involved in this process from the start is here. We will see how it goes and of course we remain committed to finding a political breakthrough, not least because our country has been unnecessarily exposed to unnecessary dangers. We should all shoulder responsibility, and collectively work to find solutions,” said Ncube, who broke from the meeting to talk to this website.

On Wednesday, the High Court relaxed bail conditions for Tendai Biti, the secretary general of the MDC faction led by Tsvangirai to enable him to attend the talks. He was handed back his passport and a requirement for him to report twice a week to the police lifted. He faces treason charges.

The resumption of the talks will throw spanners into the works for the US and Britain who were keen to convince other major powers that President Thabo Mbeki’s mediation effort was failing, and sanctions are now the only route remaining to force President Mugabe to change course.

Acutely aware of the significance of the two sides meeting after President Mbeki’s failed bid last Saturday to get Tsvangirai, Mutambara and Mugabe to meet, Mbeki’s office released a brief statement to the world media, confirming: “Talks are happening.”

But still, Tsvangirai’s spokesman George Sibotshiwe came out to deny any talks were underway. “The MDC is not in talks with anybody,” he claimed in Johannesburg. “We will not take part until our conditions are met” including a cessation of violence.

Sources in the Tsvangirai-led MDC say there have been growing tensions in the party’s leadership, with a powerful group of hardliners insisting on delaying the talks until the United Nations Security Council votes on sanctions, which include an arms embargo.

This group, sources say, was behind Tsvangirai’s last minute refusal to meet with Mugabe and Mbeki on Saturday last week as that would have scuppered British Prime Minister Gordon Brown’s push to get the Group of 8 leaders meeting in Japan to reject Mugabe’s controversial re-election.

But there are others who say delaying the talks is futile as Tsvangirai will, sooner or later, have to meet Mugabe.

China and Russia, who have a veto power, are now more than likely going to block any resolution imposing sanctions on Zimbabwe based on the resumption of talks between Zanu PF and the MDC -- the course favoured by the two countries.

Zanu PF, MDC talks set to resume, says Biti's lawyer

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

TALKS between President Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF party and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) will begin this week, a lawyer for the opposition's top negotiator said Wednesday.

The MDC had, at least in public, been unable to agree to start talks about Zimbabwe's political crisis since Mugabe went ahead with - and declared himself winner of - a widely condemned June 27 presidential runoff.

Lawyer Lewis Uriri disclosed that talks were planned for this week during a court hearing Wednesday, when he asked for the return of MDC secretary general Tendai Biti's passport.

The lawyer explained that Biti needed to go to neighboring South Africa for the talks. Uriri said Biti had wanted to leave Tuesday because the talks were to have begun Wednesday.

A judge ordered the passport returned. Biti had had to surrender it after being charged with treason.

"The requirement that the applicant surrenders his passport ... is hereby struck off," Judge Anne-Mary Gowora said in a written judgement seen by reporters.

She also lifted a requirement that Biti report to Harare police station twice a week.

Attempts to reach opposition or government spokesmen for further comment were not immediately successful. A spokesman for South African President Thabo Mbeki, who had been mediating on-again, off-again talks between the two sides, also was not immediately available.

As late as Wednesday morning, the opposition issued a statement saying "there are currently no negotiations between itself and Zanu PF," and Biti had told The Associated Press talks about talks weren't even underway.

But state media in Zimbabwe had reported earlier in the week talks were imminent, and government spokesman Bright Matonga said Wednesday that "things are moving at a faster pace than you think."

Talks at the U.N. about slapping Mugabe and some of his top political and security officials with sanctions may be spurring developments. The sanctions are aimed at punishing Mugabe for allegedly rigging recent presidential runoff, killing political dissenters and bringing Zimbabweans, who once grew food for the region, to the point of struggling to feed themselves.

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev said Wednesday that a strong statement by the Group of Eight nations on Zimbabwe will not necessarily lead to sanctions over Robert Mugabe's widely criticised re-election.

Medvedev's statement indicated Russia could veto or abstain in a U.N. Security Council vote expected this week on a U.S. draft resolution calling for sanctions over state-supported election violence in Zimbabwe. Violence and intimidation there prompted the opposition candidate to pull out of the race with Mugabe.

Zimbabwe's Foreign Minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwi met Tuesday in Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso, with the West African nation's President Blaise Compaore. Burkina Faso is currently a member of the U.N. Security Council.

In Burkina Faso, Mumbengegwi reiterated statements from Mugabe that he was ready to form a unity government with members of opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's party.

Zimbabwe may see at least talking about talks as a way to ward off sanctions, but Mumbengegwi made clear Mugabe envisioned a leading role for himself, something the opposition and Mugabe's critics in the West have rejected.

A vote on the U.S. draft resolution is expected later this week. In a telephone interview from Zimbabwe, government spokesman Matonga accused the United States of wanting "to arm twist the United Nations into an illegal act."

Among those targeted along with Mugabe in the proposed sanctions resolution are Emmerson Mnangagwa, a feared former security chief who allegedly planned election rigging, deployed soldiers involved in attacks on the opposition and provided arms and cars to Mugabe militants responsible for violence.

Another is Constantine Chiwenga, Mugabe's armed forces chief, who said before the elections that his soldiers would not serve anyone but Mugabe. Human Rights Watch's Kasambala called that a clear threat.

Zimbabwe accuses West of 'international racism'

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

HE Zimbabwe government on Wednesday branded G8 leaders' threat of more sanctions "international racism" and a bid to force out the Zimbabwe president following his widely condemned one-man election.

After Group of Eight industrial powers meeting in Japan rejected the legitimacy of Mugabe's government and promised action against his regime, Zimbabwe's information minister said the move defied the people's will.

"For them to say that Zimbabwe's government and President Mugabe's election are not legitimate is an attempt to impose a government on the people of Zimbabwe against their will," Sikhanyiso Ndlovu told the state-run Herald newspaper.

"This is international racism," he added.

G8 leaders wrangled intensely over how to send Mugabe a strong message, resulting in Russia succumbing to pressure from France, Germany, Britain and the United States to agree to imposing targeted measures.

"We do not accept the legitimacy of any government that does not reflect the will of the Zimbabwean people," G8 leaders said in a statement Tuesday at their summit.

"We will take further steps, inter alia introducing financial and other measures against those individuals responsible for the violence."

Debate over sanctions will now shift to the UN Security Council, and the United States said it was confident new measures would be adopted this week despite objections from South Africa, China and Russia.

The proposed sanctions include a travel ban and an assets freeze on Mugabe and 13 of his cronies as well as an arms embargo on the Harare regime.

In a sign that tough negotiations lie ahead, Russian Ambassador Vitaly Churkin said elements of the US draft were "quite excessive" and clearly "in conflict with the notion of sovereignty" of a UN member state.

He also questioned whether the crisis spawned by Zimbabwe's June 27 election boycotted by the opposition due to rising violence amounted to a threat to international peace.

Churkin further said the statement from G8 leaders did not use the word sanctions.

Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai withdrew from the presidential run-off five days before the poll, saying dozens of his supporters had been killed and thousands injured by Mugabe militants.

He finished ahead of Mugabe in the March 29 first round, but with an official vote total short of an outright majority.

African Union leaders have called for dialogue between Zimbabwe's political parties and the formation of a national unity government.

Tsvangirai has dismissed unity government calls and wants a transitional arrangement that would lead to fresh elections, while Mugabe has said he must be accepted as president before any talks.

Despite their huge differences, there were signals Wednesday that negotiations were to begin soon, with the MDC secretary general Tendai Biti asking a court to ease his bail conditions on treason charges so he can attend talks in South Africa.

Prosecutors said in their court filing on Biti's request, which states they were not opposed to temporarily lifting bail conditions, that talks had been set to begin on Wednesday. Biti is also the opposition's chief negotiatorr

The high court was expected to decide on the matter later Wednesday.

The G8 leaders' call for sanctions was likely to be seen as a further criticism of South African President Thabo Mbeki's mediation in Zimbabwe.

Mbeki, who was among the African leaders to meet with G8 powers this week, has been criticised for his quiet diplomacy approach and South Africa has resisted calls for new sanctions on Harare.

There have been moves at the United Nations to appoint a special representative to assist in the mediation being led by Mbeki, who was appointed to his role by the 14-nation Southern African Development Community.

Diplomatic sources have said former UN secretary general Kofi Annan, who helped broker a power-sharing agreement in Kenya last February, former Mozambican president Joaquim Chissano, Nigerian ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo and Ghanaian President John Kufuor were being considered for the mission.

Ndlovu, the information minister, said such moves were a "non-starter" and that "President Mbeki has proved his mettle as an African statesman par excellence". - Reuters

Nurse strangler sentenced to life in jail

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

A CAMEROONIAN man who strangled his Zimbabwean girlfriend in Colchester, England, in July last year and left her decomposing body in the same flat with an 11-year-old girl for a week has been jailed for life.

Evil Daniel Tambengwa, 30, described by police as “arrogant”, was told he will spend a minimum 15 years in jail by a judge at the Chelmsford Crown Court on Tuesday.

Judge Christopher Ball QC also told Tambengwa he will be deported once he has served his sentence. During the trial, the court heard that Tambengwa was an illegal immigrant who entered Britain on a false Belgian passport.

A jury of eight men and four women found Tambengwa, who fled to Cameroon after committing his crime, guilty of the murder of Colchester General Hospital nurse Ella Chimweta, 33, at the end of a five-week trial.

Throughout the process, the trainee medical scientist denied strangling Chimweta after a row at their flat in the Highwoods area of Colchester last July.

Tambengwa, who shook his head and sighed as the verdict was read out, was cleared of two lesser charges related to his conduct with the young girl after he was alleged to have sexually abused her hours after the killing.

He was found not guilty of inciting a child to engage in a sex act and causing a child to watch a sex act.

The young girl spent a week with the body before she raised the alarm. By that time, Tambengwa was back in his homeland of Cameroon after fleeing the country hours after the killing.

Police discovered Chimweta’s decomposed body on July 16 last year after the young girl – who cannot be identified for legal reasons -- left the flat in Weetmans Drive and told a passer-by Chimweta was dead.

Judge Ball said he had considered all the aggravating and mitigating factors and deemed 15 years a suitable tariff and told Tambengwa - who is HIV positive - he would be deported to Cameroon upon his release.

He said he gave the defendant “some regard” for the fact he had returned to the UK to face trial.

Detective superintendent John Quinton, of Essex Police, said the killer had never expressed sorrow for what had happened to Chimweta.

He said: “He left a child alone in the house with Ella's body, with little care for her welfare. We are pleased that he has been found guilty and will have to face the consequences of his actions.

“However, if he had pleaded guilty earlier he would not have put that young girl through the ordeal of giving evidence and having to relive the dreadful events of July 2007.

“Our condolences to Ella's family and relatives and we hope that this verdict brings some closure for them.”

Strangled nurse had HIV, court hears

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

A ZIMBABWEAN nurse who was murdered at her Essex home was HIV positive, it emerged on Tuesday after her killer was handed a life sentence.

Ella Chimweta, 32, arrived in the UK from Zimbabwe looking for the chance of a better life and was working at Colchester General Hospital when she was murdered 13 months ago.

Although Chimweta's HIV status and that of her killer, 30-year-old Daniel Tambengwa, was never revealed to the jury at Chelmsford Crown Court, the issue was discussed at hearings held in front of Judge Christopher Ball QC.

He decided the fact was not relevant to the case and should not be raised in proceedings.

The hospital is run by Colchester Hospital University NHS Foundation Trust and last night a spokesman would not say when details of Miss Chimweta's condition became known to managers, whether patients knew that she was HIV positive or whether any patients had undergone HIV checks.

In a statement Denise Hagel, hospital nursing director, said she “could not comment” for “reasons of confidentiality” - even though Miss Chimweta was dead - but that “patient safety was not compromised.”

“However, patient safety is of paramount importance to this organisation and we have stringent pre-employment policies and protocols in place to ensure that the highest levels of protection are given,” she continued.

Hagel added that Chimweta's colleagues were shocked and saddened to learn of her death and that the trust wished to extend its condolences to her family and friends at this very difficult time.

A spokeswoman for The Patients Association said the trust should release more details to reassure members of the public.

“It is extraordinary that they are not saying more about this,” the spokeswoman said. “A nurse is not someone who works locked away in a cupboard. A nurse comes into direct contact with patients and she could go anywhere in the hospital.

“And people who have been treated at the hospital will have concerns quite naturally and they should be given all the information they need.

“The more I think about it the more it makes you suspect that they didn't know about this and that they are terrified about what the reaction might be.”

On Tuesday, a jury of eight men and four women found Tambengwa, described as “arrogant” by police, guilty of murder after a five week trial.

Throughout the process the trainee scientist denied killing Miss Chimweta after a row at their flat in the Highwoods area of Colchester last July.

The court was told he fled to Cameroon after concealing her body but returned to the UK in September after talking to Essex detectives.

Just weeks before Chimweta was killed, the couple began caring for an 11-year-old girl, who cannot be identified for legal reasons. - EADT24

Mugabe set to announce 'all-inclusive' cabinet

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

ZIMBABWE'S foreign minister said Tuesday that President Robert Mugabe is ready to form a unity government with opposition party members.

But Simbarashe Mumbengegwi remained vague on the role that the country's opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai might play.

Mumbengegwi said the way forward is for Mugabe to form "an all-inclusive government where all the political parties take part."

Mumbengegwi spoke in Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso, for a meeting Tuesday with Burkina's president — a member of the U.N. Security Council.

In New York, the 15-nation council met Tuesday to discuss Zimbabwe, and French and U.S. officials said a majority of Security Council member countries support a proposal to sanction Zimbabwe and freeze Mugabe's assets. But they also said Russia warned it might veto the plan.

A vote on a U.S. draft resolution calling for sanctions over state-sanctioned election violence in Zimbabwe is expected later this week.

Tsvangirai has said he would not participate in talks about forming a governing accord with Mugabe's government unless an additional mediator was appointed besides South African President Thabo Mbeki. Tsvangirai has called on Mbeki to step down from his mediation role, saying his refusal to publicly criticise Mugabe amounts to appeasement.

The Zimbabwe Independent newspaper reported last Friday that Mugabe was ready to announce his cabinet after his controversial reelection for a sixth term on June 27.

The paper said the cabinet will have "surprise inclusions" and will "lay a firm basis for a government of national unity between Zanu PF and MDC".

The paper said there could be a role for Tsholotsho North MP Jonathan Moyo as Information Minister -- after he served in the same role from 2000-2005 before he quit having defied Zanu PF by standing as an independent.

The paper speculated that Mugabe could leave gaps in certain ministries if the MDC does not immediately take them up.

Parliamentarians and Senators elected in general elections on March 29 are also expected to be sworn-in shortly after Mugabe announces his cabinet.

Man takes cannabis delivery from cops

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

INCREDIBLY foolish, or very brave?

A Zimbabwean man who tried to receive US$240 000-worth of cannabis through the post is facing jail in America after his package was delivered to the WRONG address.

Police in Baltimore believe someone in Florida used Fed-Ex to ship marijuana to addresses in the Baltimore area. But the shipping company botched one of the deliveries, triggering an undercover operation that led to the arrest of Richard Gwatidzo, 30.

Police were tipped off when four boxes were mistakenly delivered on Tuesday last week to a Northeast Baltimore resident who opened one and discovered a "large shrink wrapped bundle of a green plant material," charging documents say.

Maryland State Police troopers posed as FedEx employees the next day to snare Gwatidzo, the intended recipient of the 200-pound shipment.

When cops raided two properties linked to the suspect, they found a further consignment of marijuana with a street value of US$480 000 (or 400 pounds).

In the United States, shipping companies regularly cooperate with police and allow detectives to pose as their workers, according to news reports.

"We don't tolerate the illegal use of our network," said Matt Ceniceros, a FedEx spokesman. "When it is suspected that our network is abused, we work with the proper authorities to make sure it stops."

Police charging documents say on Tuesday last week, two Baltimore police officers responded to an undisclosed address in Northeast Baltimore where a resident showed them four FedEx packages. One was open and contained suspected marijuana.

The resident, who was not identified by police, was expecting FedEx packages, but not ones filled with marijuana, according to the documents.

"As the officers entered the residence, they immediately detected an odour that they knew to be marijuana," the documents state.

Officers confiscated the packages and took them back to the Northeastern District station for processing. The opened box weighed 38 pounds, while the others weighed in at 45, 55 and and 60 pounds -- for a total of 198 pounds.

Looking for help on the case, the officers contacted a city detective who serves on Baltimore's High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area federal task force. Later that day, they tried to deliver the packages but were unsuccessful, the documents state.

The next day, a man who claimed to be the intended recipient of the packages called FedEx to ask about the status of his delivery. But a state trooper -- posing as a FedEx employee -- picked up the phone.

The man told the trooper that his packages had not been delivered. The trooper told him they would arrive later that same day, between 1 p.m. and 3 p.m., police charging documents state.

About 2 p.m., a police detective posing as a FedEx delivery truck driver pulled up in front of the address marked on the package: an office in the 3400 block of Belair Road.

As the detective stepped out of the truck holding one of the four packages, a man approached, stopped him and said: "That's my box," according to police.
The man signed the FedEx receipt and then turned to walk away. A team of officers waiting in cars nearby swooped in and arrested him.

Gwatidzo was charged Thursday with possession of a large quantity of a controlled dangerous substance with intent to distribute, along with other drug-related charges. He is being held at the Central Booking and Intake Centre on $1 million bail.

Police served search and seizure warrants at two addresses where Gwatidzo allegedly received large packages of marijuana via two FedEx shipments recently. In total, detectives seized eight more boxes that contained 398 pounds of marijuana from those locations.

More charges could be lodged against Gwatidzo, including federal criminal sanctions, police said.

12 Questions: L'vovo Derrango

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

South African kwaito star L’vovo Derrango has spoken to New Zimbabwe.com about his fairytale rise to stardom – the reluctant lyrical genius who didn't know he could sing until 2006:
You are a relative newcomer to the music industry. How did it all begin?

I started being an emcee at events. I was friends with Zakes (Zakhele Madida), and he was using a studio. Sometime in 2006, he asked if I could come to the studio sometime and when I got there, he played one of his instruments and told me to just say anything on the mic, so we started in that fashion. I didn’t want to be a musician at all. I always wanted to be an emcee. I was introducing artists, some of whom I am performing alongside now…. ‘Are you ready, 5, 4, 3, 2 1… MANDOZA!’ That’s what I used to do. The very same artists I was introducing on stage I am performing alongside them now. We are colleagues!

You had a terrible accident last year that claimed the life of your friend DJ Bhuddha and very nearly ended yours. Take us to the scene.

We were coming from Denmas and we were going back to the airport because we were doing the in and out of Johannesburg. On our way back to the airport we had a head-on collision, the other car which was coming from the opposite direction drove straight into us and the accident happened in that fashion. A friend, a brother and colleague (DJ Bhuddha) died in that accident and the driver died as well. I broke my arm and had to be rushed to hospital to put a pin inside my bone. Zakhele had a problem with his feet, he couldn’t walk. I lost a role model -- he had done so many things. He won the Heineken Best DJ, and was the first guy to release a compilation CD with Glen Lewis. He was a top guy.

In your tribute song to DJ Bhudda on the new album -- L’vovo Derrango the Teddy Bear – you keep repeating this phrase ‘masimba chips’. Is that something he used to say?

No it’s just something we like saying. When we say ‘senz’amasimba chips’ it’s like saying ‘we’re doing it’, ‘we are making it happen’ or ‘it’s happening’! There is a brand of chips in South Africa called Simba Chips, others call them Zimba Chips. It comes from that. It means we are doing it!

Your first album Resista was a roaring success. Have you been surprised by how well it did?

It was a very big surprise. Just six months after its release I was nominated in the SAMAs; performed at the SAMAs and also presented an award… not getting an award but being nominated, deserved! I performed alongside Will Downing; entertained crowds during the Barcelona and Mamelodi Sundowns game; was nominated in the Channel O awards; won two Metro FM awards – for the first time in the history of KwaZulu Natal I brought the Song of the Year and also took home Best Kwaito Album.

Is it fair to say you did not seek fame and success, it found you?

I didn’t want to be a musician but while I was playing around in the studio, I fell in love with it, so I started to love what I am doing. People have shown me love, that’s why my second album is called L’vovo Derrango: The Teddy Bear because a Teddy Bear is something that is loved by everyone, so I wanted to give them the Teddy Bear. I just wanted to be different from the rest, something new. If it was a surprise, it happened at the right time when people wanted to see something new. I am touring around the country, I have been in London and I was supposed to be in London before, I just shot a video with Thebe for a song which we did together and I am doing an album with Ntando which is out in September. I have been lucky.

Who do you work with?

I have four producers -- Zakhele, Black Coffee, Tebo and Nqobi. They are all from Durban.

Have you ever been good at any sport?

I have always loved soccer. I was playing as a striker three weeks ago in a celebrity match in Durban.

No prize guessing you didn’t score?

Yes I didn’t my man, but most of the goals that were scored I created them.

What makes you angry and how do you control anger?

When I cannot do something I get angry. I get angry to come out of the studio without the song being finished. When people talk behind my back I become angry. I want people to be straightforward with me, when I am not doing something right I want people to tell me. I also want people to be happy, that’s why when I come on stage I want everyone to scream. If people don’t scream, I become angry my man. I can do anything so that people can jump, so that they can be happy.

What is your definition of hell?

It’s where there is no peace, no happiness. People are starving; a ghetto -- a place where there is no peace and happiness. That is hell for me.

What is your idea of a beautiful woman?

Someone who is focused; someone who is supportive and someone who understands the job that I’m doing. A career-driven woman.

Are you married, and do you have kids?

I am not married but I do have a girlfriend and we have a one-month-old baby. It’s a boy named Okuhle.

Who is your favourite artist?

I will go for Lenyora -- Thebe. I featured him on the Teddy Bear album on a song called Munatifela. He has been there for a long time and he has his own style. After close to two decades in the game, people are still dancing to his music. His staying power is something to be admired.

THEY THINK IT’S ALL OVER, IT IS NOW…

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

THEY THINK IT’S ALL OVER, IT IS NOW…

SOUTH African Premier League Club Mamelodi Sundowns appeared to have brought down the curtain on Peter Ndlovu’s football career this after deciding against renewing his contract.

Ndlovu, 35, has spent three season with the ‘Brazilians’ after joining from English first division club, Sheffield United. He was reputed to be the highest paid player in the SouthAfrican premiership when he joined the club owned by South Africa’s first black billionaire, Patrice Motsepe.

Zimbabwe’s most celebrated player, Ndlovu won two premiership titles with Sundowns and several other cup competitions.Dark clouds gathered for Ndlovu’s career last week when the club signed Bafana Bafana striker Sibusiso Zuma on a three year deal worth R200 000 a month.

The Zimbabwean was reportedly the highest paid at R120 000 a month. Ndlovu, already dumped by the Zimbabwe national team after earning 100 caps, is free to look for another club, but friends have counselled him to quit while still
at the top of his game.

Ndlovu was signed from Highlanders by Coventry City in July 1991 and became one of the most popular and talented footballers to play at Coventry's Highfield Road ground, scoring the first away team hat-trick at Liverpool'sAnfield Stadium in over 30 years. It is thought that the club turned down a then massive £4million offer froArsenal at the end of the 1994 season for his services. Ndlovu eventually moved to Birmingham City in July 1997 for a fee of £1.6m after scoring 37
goals for the Sky Blues in 177 League games. After spending time on loan at Huddersfield Town in 2000, he moved to Sheffield United in February
2001.

Ndlovu also enjoyed success at Sheffield United and was known to their fans as 'Nuddy'. With him playing on the right side of midfield, Sheffield Unitedmanaged to get to two semi-finals of major cup competitions, in addition to the final of the Championship (formerly Division 1) playoffs in the 2002-03 season.

He scored the winning goal against Leeds United in the 2002 Worthington Cup competition and scored a hat-trick against Cardiff City in 2003- 04. He left the Blades in the summer of 2004 having scored 25 goals in 135 league games. In all, Ndlovu scored more than 90 goals (many memorable) during his 12 seasons and 338 appearances in the top two flights of the English footballleague. Ndlovu signed for South African Premier Soccer League outfit Mamelodi Sundowns during the 2004 off-season.

Ndlovu is the all time leading scorer for the Zimbabwean national team with 38 goals. He also led his nation to qualification for their first African Cup of Nations (held in 2004 in Tunisia) as well as their second appearance at the
2006 tournament in Egypt. He played several international games alongside former Liverpool goalkeeper Bruce Grobbelaar in the early- 1990s.

Ndlovu's brothers, Adam and Madinda, were also international players. The brothers played on the streets of Makokoba, Zimbabwe, where they grew up. Peter also played in both his primary and secondary schools and his hometown team Highlanders before joining Coventry in 1991.

Monomotapa cement lead, H'landers stay in hunt

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

MONOMOTAPA stretched their unbeaten run to 10 matches on Saturday with a 2-1 victory over Kiglon – enough to secure them the top spot in the premiership title race midway through the season.

Highlanders stay in the hunt – just three points adrift of Norman Mapeza’s trailblazers after a battling 2-0 win over Chapungu at Barbourfields on Sunday.

Champions Dynamos are now five points off the pace after a 1-1 draw with Motor Action.

Dynamos get the chance to close the gap when they meet Highlanders in their outstanding fixture at Barbourfields on Sunday, but they come up against opponents who have hit top form – Sunday’s win their fourth on the trot, and Washington Arubi’s fourth clean sheet.

Nqobile Mpala and Jacob Muzokomba scored on either side of the half for the Bulawayo seeking to reclaim the premiership title after a barren season last year.

Dynamos struggled with their game in the capital once again and needed a late Edward Sadomba strike to snatch a point against the Mighty Bulls.

Sadomba’s desperate effort in the 86th minute cancelled out Motor Action’s 54th minute opener from Warriors midfielder Clemence Matawu.

CAPS United slid to 11th on the table after a morale-sapping 1-0 defeat away to Njube Sundowns. The defeat leaves new United coach Jostein Mathuthu still searching for a spark to stem their decline.

Eastern Lions stunned Lengthens in a five goal thriller at Sakubva on Sunday. Lions ran away with it 3-2 after a stunning hat-trick by Dananai Chinowawa.

Chinowawa’s first was from a free kick. Tendai Nyamadzawo equalised with his first of two, but Lengthens were trailing again on 42 minutes when Chinowawa struck again.

Lengthens were level again shortly after the restart – Nyamadzawo converting from the penalty spot. But Chinowawa was not finished. His 76th minute clincher lifted Lions to 14 points – the same number as Lengthens.

At Baghdad, Simon Chipunza gave Lancashire Steel a crucial three points against CAPS FC as the Kwekwe-based side moved off the bottom of the table.

Masvingo United and Underhill drew 1-1 at Mucheke. Masvingo took the lead in the10th minute through Ndabezihle Ndlovu but Stanley Karimatsenga equalised just before the break.

CBZ Premier Soccer League Results:
Sunday:
Dynamos 1-1 Motor Action; Eastern Lions 3-2 Lengthens; Highlanders 2-0 Chapungu; Lancashire Steel 1-0 CAPS FC; Masvingo United 1-1 Underhill

Resolving Zimbabwe Crisis: a generational mandate

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

The Stark Choices

Zimbabwe is facing a major political, humanitarian and economic crisis after the illegal and fraudulent Presidential election on June 27, 2008. The output of such an electoral process can only be an illegitimate incumbent.

There are two options for us as Zimbabweans: Pick up arms of war and drive out Robert Mugabe or negotiate an all-inclusive national political settlement. These are the only choices. We need to be decisive in our analysis and strategic thinking.

Given our circumstances and history it seems the only sensible and conceivable way forward is through national dialogue among all the key civic and political stakeholders, in pursuit of a political agreement. The immediate challenges include defining the framework, format, timeline and terms of reference for that dialogue. Thereafter, and more importantly, the question then becomes: What kind of political settlement will lead to a democratic, justiciable and sustainable resolution of the crisis?

The Political Settlement

In terms of the potential outcomes of the dialogue, there are three key possibilities; an inclusive and stable government on the terms of democratically elected citizens, a government of national unity involving all key political players, and a transitional government tasked with the mandate of supervising fresh free and fair elections.

These are the scenarios, or their variations or permutations, which could constitute a political settlement in our country. Beyond the political agreement there must be a comprehensive, drawn-out and all-inclusive national healing and rehabilitation programme. This is very essential, given the extent of the political polarisation, physical devastation and psychological trauma that our people have gone through in the last decade.

There is also need to quickly address the humanitarian aspects of the crisis, while putting in place mechanisms to salvage, recover and stabilise the economy.

It must be emphasised that commitment to dialogue as a strategy of resolving our crisis does not mean agreement to a particular negotiation format, nor does it mean endorsement of a specific political outcome. All these matters must be discussed and resolved as part of the all-inclusive dialogue process. What is imperative for Zimbabweans is making up their minds on whether they want an armed revolution or they want to talk to each other. It is that simple. Of course if negotiations do not succeed there will be only one option left to the people of Zimbabwe. We will fight.

Towards a Sustainable Resolution

Resolving the current national crisis through mediation and external intervention must be understood as a short-term effort that must be complimented by long-term and holistic processes driven by Zimbabweans themselves. We need to start defining a common socio-economic and political framework that we all defend as citizens irrespective of political affiliation. This should be a shared framework in which we contest each other for power and develop economic strategies to drive our country. There must be some things we agree on in spite of our diverse political associations.

In addition to agreeing on the name of the country and its boundary, why can’t we have a constitution that we all defend and revere? Why can’t we have both a democratic culture and a political system, rooted in issues-based plural politics, which we all celebrate and protect? Would we all not cherish the day when Gideon Gono, Emerson Mnangagwa and Joice Mujuru spend 15 months in public debates in a party primary election to determine the Zanu PF national Presidential candidate?

Surely, a similar internal, protracted and public contestation in the opposition will enable distillation of ideas leading to both high quality candidates and platforms. Change must have both form and substance. This is the long term dream, beyond the immediate crisis. Why can’t we collectively develop a 20-30 year national economic vision shared by all Zimbabwean political parties and civic society? Why can’t we just differ on strategies and tactics of achieving the vision but not question the nature and existence of the Promised Land?

There is need for Zimbabweans to embrace generational thinking and analysis. The generation of Joshua Nkomo, Herbert Chitepo, Robert Mugabe, Jason Moyo and Ndabaningi Sithole have a result: the Independence of Zimbabwe in 1980. What is the legacy of Saviour Kasukuwere, Sylvester Nguni, Nelson Chamisa and Priscilla Misihairabwi? What is their generational result they can point to when they are 84 years old?

We need to establish a multi-party, all-encompassing generational agenda which must define us as Zimbabweans. Yes, we should borrow and learn from other successful economies and cultures. However, there must be local ownership and buy-in of the formulation, construction and implementation of the socio-economic models.

Making Zimbabwe a peaceful, democratic and prosperous nation should be the central organising mantra of our thinking. More significantly and specifically, if our generation can make Zimbabwe a globally competitive economy in 20 years time, in terms of GDP, per capita income, entrepreneurship, business growth, exports, productivity, competitiveness, financial literacy, and quality of life, that will be our cross-party generational result.

Yes, we must confront the Zimbabwean crisis and resolve it as a matter of urgency. However, there is need for broader and longer term processes to ensure sustainability of the resolution. Let us step up to the plate. We owe it to ourselves and to posterity.

This is our generational mandate.

Arthur G.O. Mutambara is president of a faction of the MDC

Odinga must get his blood-stained hands off Zimbabwe

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

MARK Twain, an acclaimed American author wrote: "It is better to keep your mouth closed and let people think you are a fool than to open it and remove all doubt".

This timeless quote was brought to mind after intolerable criticism of Zimbabwe by Raila Odinga, Prime Minister of the Kenyan Government of National Unity whose ticket to power was signed by the blood of innocent people.

Odinga’s moral right to condemn Zimbabwean elections is overshadowed by his coming into office on the back of the death of 1 500 people and the displacement of over 600 000 people.

On December 30, 2007, the chairman of the Kenyan election commission declared Odinga’s opponent, incumbent president Mwai Kibaki, the winner by a margin of about 230 000 votes. Raila challenged the results alleging fraud by the commission, but refused an election petition before the courts and urged protests, which plunged the country into one of the brutal and bloody post-election violence ever to be witnessed in recent history.

Shamefacedly, the poor fellow has been blabbering on about Zimbabwe’s elections, violence, peacekeepers and for the country to be barred from regional bodies; a case some may attribute to being overwhelmed by the glare of the media after being in political obscurity for so long.

Consequently, the whole of Africa and the world are regaled by the antics of a witless and hypocritical African politician whose propensity to expose himself unearths his want of tact and maturity in African politics. Some who are not so harsh in their criticism of Odinga’s unwarranted utterances on Zimbabwe are easy to forgive him as he is a product of incarcerations, flights into exile and betrayal by erstwhile political allies which undoubtedly has made him a bitter man mad at the whole of Africa for not intervening on his behalf.

Odinga, as a result, has made himself a champion of opposition politics in Africa after his backdoor entry to leadership in Kenya making him an emperor without clothes after Kenya’s recent history which someone said reads like a Shakespearian tale; full of dramatic intrigue, intricate conspiracies and king making plots.

Odinga’s unwarranted criticism of Zimbabwe might be borne from a need to outshine Mwai Kibaki, the Kenyan president who trounced him in the December election. But, Zimbabwe cannot bear the brunt of his inferiority complex in a bid to gain recognition in African politics. Someone should advise Odinga that the route he has taken is a dead end and neither is it going to absolve him of the blood that is on his hands as rightly pointed by the presidential spokesperson, George Charamba, during the recent African Union Summit in Egypt.

Maybe Odinga’s weakness is more to do with not acquainting himself with African history. He should start to appreciate that more is at stake than meets the eye in the Zimbabwean situation. If the sentiments he echoed during his inauguration are anything to go by, then he is in for a rude awakening in his quest to liberate Kenyans from neo-colonialism. When Odinga was sworn in as Prime Minister of Kenya on April 18 2008, he told the gathering that "we will ensure that power, wealth and opportunity are in the hands of many, not the few".

Robert Mugabe whom he is now alleging is a dictator was once the darling of the West until he decided to empower his people by distributing land, which was in the hands of a few whites to the majority of the landless blacks Kenya, like all other African countries, is no exception. It would want to address these historical imbalances and some have alluded that the chaos that Kenya witnessed is the result of historic injustices including land tenure systems and the unequal sharing of resources between the country’s more than 40 ethnic groups.

Other African leaders know that addressing the injustices born out of colonialism is at the core of all African problems and that sooner or later, these issues have to be addressed by each member country. The decisions made by African leaders at the AU summit, that is, wanting Africans to solve their own problems is born out of a realisation that abandoning Zimbabwe at this critical stage will set a bad precedent.

Some delusional African politicians like Odinga might not understand that sticking together with Zimbabwe is also for their future well-being. That, Mr Odinga, is the definition of Pan Africanism. It is not about calling yourself a Pan Africanist when your deeds are devoid of "ubuntu" as you were able to countenance the beheading, skinning, raping, murdering and torturing of innocent people for your own political gain.

I am no religious fanatic but I do believe the good book offers sound advice in the case of looking at a straw in another’s eye whilst not considering the rafter in your own eye. It is evident Odinga is singing for the few morsels that the United States is dropping on his lap whilst mortgaging Kenya in the process.

Reports indicate that the US government is negotiating base access agreements with the government of Kenya that will allow American troops to use military facilities when the United States wants to deploy its own army in Africa. So at the right intervals Odinga has to make the right noises on Zimbabwe so as to appease his benefactors. Shame on you Odinga!

Odinga is a disgrace to the continent, which has produced notable statesmen like Nelson Mandela who spent all his life fighting for the liberation of his people. What has Odinga to show for himself, except bloody hands, which no doubt soiled his reputation of ever being regarded as a statesman?

Instead of being fixated with what is happening in Zimbabwe, Odinga should be concerned with healing his own country where thousands still remain displaced, traumatised and reluctant to return to the their former homes because the horrors they witnessed are forever etched in their minds. Odinga will remain an overly ambitious politician who would stop at nothing to achieve his political ends. He should keep his tainted hands off Zimbabwe.

Chipanga writes from Harare

There're no angels in politics

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

DESPITE the public posturing and differences in the characterisation of the negotiations, it is clear that something is going on behind the scenes as the politicians try to find a solution to the country’s chronic problems.

The public posturing merely represents the normal jousting for positional superiority in the talks. This is an attempt to assess the factors that might influence the inevitable negotiations.

The paucity of legitimacy is Zanu PF’s greatest weakness. Robert Mugabe got the result that he wanted on June 27 because it adorned him with legal power. But Morgan Tsvangirai’s withdrawal and the negative judgment passed by the main election observer missions left Mugabe’s legitimacy in tatters.

Tsvangirai on the other hand may not have the legal power but he rides on the crest of moral authority derived from victories in the Parliamentary and initial Presidential elections on March 29. This gave Tsvangirai, and the MDC, a large measure of international recognition. But he, too, knows that although inhibited by a lack of legitimacy, Zanu PF remains the de facto government.

Mugabe seeks legitimacy through the negotiated settlement, whilst, through the same process, Tsvangirai seeks to gain a legal foothold in government. Tsvangirai knows that the fight for democracy requires the MDC to have some influence in government.

Security Structure

The recent electoral farce demonstrated, quite markedly, that the real power to determine the leadership question is held by those in control of the security forces. Mugabe owes his current position to the top men in uniform. Conversely, Tsvangirai’s Achilles Heel has long been the inability to draw power from the security structure. The men in uniform have been the single greatest stumbling block in Tsvangirai’s passage to power.

They will remain key players in the negotiating process because any outcome will, ultimately, need their support. They will favour an outcome that protects not just Mugabe but, importantly, their own security and welfare. The negotiating process will, therefore, be heavily influenced by the demands and interests of the uniformed men.

Intra-Party Divisions

Both Zanu PF and the MDC suffer from chronic factional divisions. The result is that in negotiating for a new Zimbabwe, each of the internal factions is positioning itself not only against the other party but also against each other. One faction could prove to be an impediment to negotiations if it feels that it would concede space to the other in the final outcome. Ultimately, each faction in the respective parties will seek representation in any new government. It could be a large, complicated and expensive government.

However, whilst Zanu PF somehow manages to maintain a brave face of unity even at the hardest of times, the MDC still exhibits signs of indiscipline that could quite easily be exploited by Zanu PF in the negotiating process. A party that fails to unite, let alone in which two candidates from the same faction contest against each other, leaves itself vulnerable to Zanu PF’s adeptness at playing the opposition against each other by handing out Presidential gifts.

We have already seen how Zanu PF can exploit these divisions in the way it managed to obtain a photo opportunity with the MDC Mutambara on July 5, 2008, when the MDC Tsvangirai stayed away from the Mbeki meeting. A more unified opposition could have taken a common position. Zanu PF will negotiate with them as two formations and will continue to play them against each other.

The Economy

Zanu PF has transformed a once prosperous economy into a basic economy of hunter-gatherers, literally surviving from hand to mouth. The trouble is that it shows neither a clue nor the facility to solve the chronic economic problems. The rot has begun to affect the empires of Zanu PF Oligarchs who are now desperate for a settlement.

The MDC’s strength lies in its promises of a better future based largely on the support of the international community who have predicated their assistance on political change. Zanu PF knows that the presence of the MDC in government has the potential to unlock various economic opportunities. It is largely for this reason, not quite a sudden realisation of the light of decency and democracy, that Zanu PF is desperate for the MDC’s hand in marriage.

The ‘International Community’ and the Demise of Brand Mugabe

Mugabe’s standing in the international community has fallen miserably in the recent past. The escalating international pressure against Mugabe and support for Tsvangirai will be a key factor in the negotiations. The threat of sanctions and further isolation, particularly in Africa, will push Mugabe to do a deal.

Nevertheless, ‘Brand Mugabe’ still has some residual effect, especially on some fellow African leaders, like South Africa’s President Mbeki. They still prefer a quiet exit rather than a humiliating departure, hence their support for a negotiated settlement.

In some ways the international community influence is also a double-edged sword for the MDC. Its most vocal backers are the West and this has, rather unwittingly, fed directly into Mugabe’s rhetorical characterisation of the MDC as puppet of the West. Critics say the MDC took this matter for granted and did not do enough to rebut Zanu PF’s rhetoric. Mugabe and Africa have tended to respond to the vocal Western criticism instead of focussing on the local concerns. These international squabbles may derail local negotiations, for, as they say, when elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers.

How the MDC handles the delicate balance between the influence and expectations of its Western and African backers will be crucial in the next few months.

Opposition’s Limited Alternatives

The unwillingness or inability of the MDC to commit to a mass uprising is something that Zanu PF has identified over the years and cemented by the threat and use of violence. Zanu PF knows that the MDC has little alternatives other than to seek the assistance of the international community. Local initiatives such as strikes, mass action, job stay-aways, etc have been tried and failed beyond the initial success of the late 1990s. Zanu PF knows, therefore, that the opposition’s hopes lie in a negotiated process.

The Media

Both parties have engaged in ‘talks about talks’ through the media. None of this has provided clarity. It has probably bred further animosity and suspicion, further derailing or even jeopardising the talks.

For an organisation of its size and stature, the MDC appears to have a surprisingly loose grip on its information dissemination systems. There are far too many people speaking on behalf of the party and sometimes the statements are incongruent so that it is not easy to determine the official line. It may, perhaps, be argued that there is some method in the confusion, as a negotiating strategy, to keep Zanu PF guessing.

But it does not help, as we have seen in the international media, when some shady characters are wheeled into news studios and purport to speak on behalf of the party, even though they do not hold any current party position. There is always a risk here, at delicate stages of negotiations, for ill-intentioned people who claim to have the best interests of the opposition at heart, to purport to speak on its behalf, when in fact they are intent on jeopardising the official position. Some will even take delight in pointing to what they characterise as flip-flops which tend to arise when different people make conflicting statements on the same issue or when some ghost-writers make reckless remarks in the name of the party leader. These weaknesses can be easily corrected by tightening the information dissemination channels.

Violence

Finally, violence has both been a strength and also a weakness for Zanu PF. It is violence that led to Tsvangirai’s withdrawal from the race and paved the way for Mugabe to claim legality. Just as Zanu PF unleashed violence in Matabeleland to bring PF ZAPU to the negotiating table, so it has succeeded again to use violence to coerce the MDC into negotiations.

It is, however, also a weakness of sorts because the subsequent withdrawal by Tsvangirai deprived the electoral process and outcome of the sought after legitimacy. Instead of giving it positional superiority, the outcome has left Zanu PF weaker and in need of recognition, which only a negotiated settlement might deliver.

At the end of the day, the politicians will negotiate and compromise. What the ordinary men and women say will count for little. One can only hope that whatever arrangement is achieved those who purport to be fighting for democracy will not concede heavily and join the proverbial gravy train, after which it will be aluta continua for the ordinary men and women. The arrangement must always be seen as a means to an end, not an end in itself. Then again, there are no angels in politics.

Alex Magaisa is based at Kent Law School, The University of Kent, UK and can be contacted at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk

Mugabe needs incentives for reform, not sanctions

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

THE Russian and Chinese veto of a draft United Nations resolution sponsored by the US and UK governments to impose an arms embargo against Zimbabwe and an assets freeze and a travel ban on President Mugabe and 13 of his colleagues was as predictable as it was inevitable given the composition of the Security Council.

Naturally, President Mugabe must have been excited at learning that what he considers to be a plot by his Western detractors to effect regime change by any means necessary had failed.

Zimbabwe exposed the emergence of a new cold war at the world stage characterised by a contestation on what kind of values ought to dominate and inform global conversations on the role of the UN, in a world characterised by a lack of universally agreed standards on how to handle absurd situations as that prevailing in Zimbabwe where an incumbent is determined to cling to power at all costs.

It would have been naïve to have expected Russia and China to support a resolution whose long term implications on countries that do not fully subscribe to democratic principles and values could be devastating and poisonous.

If Mugabe was Chinese or Russian, there is no doubt that he would have been considered a hero of the national democratic revolution. It would be absurd to expect the Chinese and Russians to find anything wrong with what they generally consider to be a domestic housekeeping issue.

The Chinese and Russians may not fully agree with President Mugabe’s naïve approach to democracy, in that he allowed the situation to get out of hand by not successfully rigging the elections.

Former President Putin and now Prime Minister of Russia demonstrated that succession can be manipulatively managed.

The Chinese political system is not capable of creating a person like Morgan Tsvangirai and it is the case that they are not used to a situation where an incumbent -- deeply rooted in an ideology where citizen choice is not an operative word in political decision making -- is successfully challenged by a person supported by the West.

If Tsvangirai was a Russian or Chinese opposition leader, his fate would not lie in a negotiated settlement mediated by a foreign party.

By allowing the situation in Zimbabwe, President Mugabe is generally seen as having betrayed the cause and creating a dangerous precedent for the club of leaders who believe that equality, freedom and justice are luxuries.

The AU has not found any fault with the manner in which Mugabe handled the run-off election and it is evident that he enjoys the support of many in salvaging a situation that had gone out of hand.

Many of the people who support the notion of a government of national unity are fully convinced that Tsvangirai does not fit the profile of what they would like to see as a successor to President Mugabe.

In Africa, as it is in many developing countries, anyone who is disliked by the West easily enjoys the support of those that seek to change the global distribution of power and the foundation of the multilateral institutions.

The energy crisis has repositioned the Chinese and Russian brands.

The emergence of sovereign wealth funds as drivers of the global economy suggests that the US and Europe must revise the manner in which they relate to global issues including attempts to impose their value system in a world where the powerful always have their way.

Mugabe will argue convincingly that if the George Bush and Tony Blair could have their way in Iraq and Afghanistan, he should not be treated differently in terms of suppressing and intimidating his adversaries.

Although China and Russia have not proved themselves as reliable development partners to Africa, it is not clear how Zimbabwe will benefit from the showdown on the sanctions issue particularly if Mugabe wants sanctions to be lifted by the very countries who are opposed to his ways.

The fact that the targeted persons were all black, notwithstanding the fact that the economy of Zimbabwe is still sustained and driven by companies whose owners are domiciled in the West, leads many to question the motives behind the push for sanctions whose real impact has more to do with embarrassing President Mugabe and his colleagues than promoting real change.

The targeted sanctions have so far failed to produce the desired results. If anything, they have helped bolster President Mugabe’s assertion that Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis is a creation of the West.

President Mugabe has not accepted that he bears any personal responsibility for the economic decay and he still holds the view that his continued leadership is indispensible to the survival of the nation.

It is instructive that Boniface Chidyausiku, Zimbabwe ’s Permanent Representative to the UN, greeted the blocking of the draft resolution by saying: “It's a reflection of the rule of law in the United Nations that nobody has monopoly on how things should be in the Security Council. Reason has prevailed. Adopting this resolution will set a dangerous precedent and will only serve to undermine the ongoing dialogue between the political parties, and risks worsening the political and socio-economic situation in the country, and will affect other countries in the region."

What may not be obvious to Chidyausiku is that it has been generally accepted that the rule of law in Zimbabwe is now a luxury for a few who believe that they are more Zimbabwean than others.

It must be accepted that the climate in Zimbabwe is now so poisonous that it will take more than negotiations of the three political parties to restore the country to normalcy.

Even the Chinese and Russians would agree that Zimbabwe needs to turn a new page and the future of the country lies in a renewal of leadership.
It is now universally accepted that losing will never be part of President Mugabe’s vocabulary.

He knows no limit when it comes to the energy and tactics he will use to stay in power no matter how distasteful.

President Mugabe is a natural warrior, never more energised than when faced with a towering foe. That is when he gets in mortal combat, adopting the archetype of an invincible warrior with the only testicular fortitude to be President of the Republic of Zimbabwe.

President Mugabe came into the March 29 election confident and in the 27 June run-off emotionally scarred by the loss.

He must be bewildered and deeply hurt by the personal attacks on him and his targeting as a “bad boy” when he thinks that he has been the best leader for Zimbabwe.

He has accumulated more than enough repressed anger to fuel him to go through a 1000-year war oblivious of the damage his reign has on the country he purports to love.

He remains unapologetic about his actions and must be angry to be accused of human rights abuses by the West.

He genuinely believes that sanctions must be imposed on Bush, Blair and Brown rather than on him.

To President Mugabe, war is an important metaphor. He believes that politics is war and that war means any instrument, any tool, any means to achieve a set end.

He is a fighter and regards the Security Council victory as a vindication of the justice of his methods.

Is Zimbabwe’s better day still possible with President Mugabe at the helm is a question that should occupy the minds of Zimbabweans rather than the Security Council.

The Zimbabwean case is an unusual one requiring a creative and innovative way to release the country from its current political gridlock.

President Mugabe had calculated after the negotiated constitutional amendments effected before the elections that he was going to win the election and would then proceed to amend the constitution with a parliamentary majority.

The current arithmetic of the composition of the new parliament does not give him much room to manoeuvre, however.

As a crafty politician, he will argue that any negotiation must start from the premise that he is the legitimate head of state and the March 29 election outcome had constitutional consequences including the run-off.

The outcome of the Security Council vote on sanctions may have the effect of giving Mugabe new hope that he can have his way with impunity.

If he cannot get the sanctions to be lifted by the West, there may be no real incentive for him to negotiate in good faith especially when he knows that any outcome that may leave him with unfettered powers may not be acceptable even to his friends in Africa

UK bank slaps sanctions on wrong Mugabe

7/14/2008 12:00:00 AM

FURIOUS Sam Mugabe was left skint when her wages “vanished” in Britain's banking system – because of sanctions against her President namesake.

The HSBC mistook Sam, 23, for a relative of Robert Mugabe and froze her £1,200 paycheque, The Sun newspaper reported Monday.

Her bosses at a media firm near her home in Camden, North London, feared a computer glitch so arranged for her to be paid again – only for the same thing to happen.

It was ten days before British citizen Sam – born in Zimbabwe but NO relation to its dictator – got her money.

She fumed: “Mugabe is quite a common name in Zimbabwe.”

HSBC apologised.

President Mugabe is subject to Europe-wide sanctions which include a travel ban and an asset freeze.