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1. Number of voters per polling station

THIS is a follow up to my previous article, which showed in detail how Zanu PF rigged the 2013 election. By the reaction I got from the usual Zanu PF trolls on their measly US$200 per month, I seem to have hit a raw nerve. Interestingly enough, none of them actually took me to task on the detailed anomalies I unearthed on the election results as published by the ZEC themselves on their website. The main gist of my previous article was to draw people’s attention to how the 2013 election was rigged, and how the opposition alliance through NERA can prevent this from happening again in 2018.
Critical electoral reforms required have nothing to do with media reforms, or whether ZBC gives the opposition parties airtime. How many rural voters watch dead BC anyway? It’s more about the mechanics of the Zanu PF election Committee’s (ZEC) rigging machine that the opposition has to throw spanners in. Please bear with me again as I try to highlight anomalies that prove the 2013 election was rigged. I will also propose solutions on preventing another industrial scale theft of the elections come 2018. So, let’s again go through how the Zanu PF Election Committee (ZEC) rigged the previous 2013 elections:
1. Number of voters per polling station
In the previous elections, each polling station had a number of transparent plastic ballot boxes that were sealed. Each voter would walk in, have their ID verified, have their name crossed out on the Voter Register, be provided with a ballot paper, proceed to a booth, mark their preferred candidates, deposit their ballot papers in the transparent ballot boxes – one for the national assembly, and the other for the presidential election, and finally have their fingers marked with indelible ink to show they had voted. Just reading the above process takes about 15 to 20 seconds of your time. How long does the actual physical process take? It’s safe to assume that the above takes 5 to 7 minutes per voter. But, for the sake of argument, let’s say this can be done at break neck speed in 1 to 2 minutes. So, here’s the trick. How many people can physically vote per polling station on the day of the election?Advertisement

In the 2013 elections, each polling station was supposed to open at 07:00 am and close at 17:00 pm, which meant a 10-hour voting window, or 600 minutes in total. If each voter takes an improbable 1 minute to vote, then only 600 people can physically vote per polling station in that 10-hour window. If the polling stations had been opened from 07:00 am to 19:00 pm in the evening, this would be a 12-hour voting window, or 720 minutes in total. Logically, only about 720 people can vote per polling station on the day. Even a 5-year-old can do this simple math. The big question is, how then can the Zanu PF Election Committee (ZEC) justify their recent announcement that 1500 will be the maximum number of voters allowed per polling station??? Are we voting over 2 days?
This is the first critical clog of the election rigging machinery shifting into gear. It looks like the opposition parties are going to be caught pants down yet again, and will get shafted once again. If you want to manipulate votes, make sure you can justify the overinflated improbable numbers through ghost voters on the Voters Register. These are the voters with the same name, age and yet different ID numbers.
To see how this worked in the 2013 elections, just take a look at some of the voter numbers of that apparently “physically” voted in Zanu PF’s strongholds. Remembering that the voting window in the 2013 elections was from 07:00 am to 17:00 pm, a 10-hour period (600 minutes) which meant only about 600 people could have “physically” voted per polling station:
Bindura North Constituency – (37,387 voters as per 2013 voter’s register) – Zanu PF “won” 23,937 votes
Ward 7 – Chiwaridza Farm Tent – 813 votes
Ward 3 – Rosetta Rust Primary – 838 votes
Ward 12 – Chiwaridzo 2 Shopping Centre Tent – 958 votes
Ward 1 – Manga Primary School – 1020 votes
Guruve North Constituency – (34,747 as per 2013 voter’s register) – Zanu PF “won” 21,911 votes
Ward 2 – Chikwidibe Primary School – 917 votes
Ward 19 – Negomo Primary School – 1045 votes
Ward 21 – Gwakwe Primary School – 1130 votes
Ward 6 – Guruve District Registry New Complex – 1201 votes
Goromonzi South Constituency – (36,789 as per 2013 voter’s register) – Zanu PF “won” 17,234 votes
Ward 25 – Aeriel Primary School – 820 votes
Ward 25 – Caledonia 1 Tent – 874 votes
Ward 25 – Caledonia 2 Tent – 926 votes
How to prevent this first step of election rigging:
The above is just a snapshot of what I found, without going through all the 210 constituencies. It is clearly self-evident that the part of the 2013 vote rigging came about through manipulating the vote tally per polling station. To prevent a repeat of the above, the polling station opening times should be clearly defined by Zanu PF Election Committee (ZEC) before the opposition parties agree to the maximum number of voters per polling station. The following should be non-negotiable:
07:00 am to 17:00 pm, 10 hours, 600 minutes, maximum of 600 voters per polling station
07:00 am to 19:00 pm, 12 hours, 720 minutes, maximum of 720 voters per polling station
07:00 am to 21:00 pm, 14 hours, 840 minutes, maximum of 840 voters per polling station
This is why logic behind international best practice standards of setting the maximum number of voters per poll at 700.The Zanu PF Election Committee (ZEC) will resist this vehemently, as this will be the first effective spanner in their rigging machinery. It will be impossible to rig the vote if you cannot inflate the numbers on the voters’ register as they did in the 2013 election.
2. Number of polling stations per province
The next critical step is a follow-up on from the above. In the 2013 elections, the distribution of the polling stations was designed to deliberately disenfranchise urban voters and allow the manipulation of the votes tally in rural areas, overinflating voting numbers as described above. How the opposition parties missed out on this glaring anomaly is beyond anyone’s comprehension. The polling stations were unevenly distributed as follows:
875 polling stations for HARARE METROPOLITAN (voting population 1,125,260), average 1,286 per poll.
1303 polling stations for MANICALAND (voting population 928,560), average 712 voters per poll.
822 polling stations for MASHONALAND CENTRAL (voting population 610,560), average 742 voters per poll.
1047 polling stations for MASHONALAND EAST (voting population 712,826), average 680 voters per poll.
1303 polling stations for MASHONALAND WEST (voting population 795,618), average 610 voters per poll.
1238 polling stations for MASVINGO (voting population 787,098), average 610 voters per poll.
If your IQ is above 5, and you managed to follow the first part, you can see that the polling stations in Zanu PF’s “strongholds” of Mashonaland, Manicaland and Masvingo were more or less distributed to allow for around the 600 to 720 maximum voters for a 10 hour or 12-hour voting window that I stated above. 
The number of polling stations in Harare should have been a minimum of 1,125,260/600 = 1,875. The Harare Metropolitan area was robbed of 1000 polling stations short. If that’s translated to votes, say 1000 polling stations multiplied by 600 voters per polling station, which would come to 600,000 voters being disenfranchised in Harare alone. This explains the apparently “low” voter turnout. They turned out but they were  just robbed of their right to vote by limiting the number of polling stations.
It’s quite self-evident, yet again, that the distribution and number of polling stations is the second critical part in preventing a repeat of the 2013 election rigging by Zanu PF election committee’s (ZEC). Their argument that urban areas are more densely populated, and hence need fewer polling stations, is the stupidest argument that I have ever heard. And the opposition parties are imbeciles of the highest order if they swallow this lie hook, line and sinker. The number of polling stations is determined by the mechanics of the election process at polling stations as described in part 1. A maximum of 600 voters per polling station for a 10-hour window, or a maximum of 720 voters per polling station for a 12-hour window. Once this has been agreed, then the MINIMUM number of polling stations per province should be set by simply dividing the voting population by the maximum number of voters per polling station (600 or 720).
It is important to also note that according to the Zanu PF Election Committee (ZEC), the adult population has now increased from 6 million in 2013, to an expected 7 million voters come 2018. That’s an extra 1 million, or a 16% increase in the adult population. According to the World Bank, our population has indeed increased from about 14 million in 2013 to about 16.5 million today, so I will not dispute the increased number of possible voters.
In that case it is logical to assume that the HARARE METROPOLITAN population has also increased by 16%, from the previous 1,125,260 the voting population is now approximately. Following on from this, the minimum number of polling station in the HARARE METROPOLITAN province for the 2018 elections should be 1,305,300/600 = 2,175. This should be the second non-negotiable electoral reform, and the second spanner in the Zanu PF Election Committee (ZEC) elaborate rigging machinery.
The third non-negotiable electoral reform should be confirmation of the location of the polling stations, and their GPS coordinates, 3 months before Election Day. This should be put up on the Zanu PF Election Committee (ZEC) website.
The fourth non-negotiable electoral reform should be for the poll based Biometric Voter’s Register to also be uploaded onto the Zanu PF Election Committee (ZEC) website once this has been completed. The voter’s register should be checked and verified by all parties three months before the election date. The opposition parties should have their supporters confirm that their name is correct on this register months before the election. This will be another key spanner to throw into the Zanu PF Election Committees (ZEC) rigging machinery.
But it is no use having the above implemented if the general public do not go out in full force and register to vote. The only way to turn the tide against the current Zanu PF Kleptocracy is through our sheer numbers of votes which will overwhelm their planned election rigging system. 
3. Tallying of votes at central counting points was key to manipulation of final vote numbers
The third part is THE MOST IMPORTANT part. First, we need to understand how Zanu PF managed to get 2 million votes, when they had only managed only 1 million votes in the 2008 elections. It has nothing to do with Zanu PF’s “popularity”. The devil is in the detail.
Let’s walk through it again. In the 2013 elections, once voting was completed at each polling station, the votes were counted in front of at least two polling agents from each political party present (Zanu PF, MDC-T, MDC etc). When everyone agreed that the vote count at that polling station was correct, the verified results were then signed by each election agent. So far so good! So, if everything was transparent, correct and in order, why did the Zanu PF Republic Police (ZRP) issue a directive (more of a threat) the day before the elections, saying no one should take photos (don’t take photo) of the results as posted outside each polling station? If there was nothing to hide, what was the reason for this? This was a well-planned, well-timed strategy which becomes clearer the more you think about it. The first reason was obviously to prevent a repeat of the 2008 elections, whereby the MDC election agents took photos of the results posted outside the polling station, sent them to a central location, tallied them and found that they had walloped Zanu PF. This critical independent “verification” mechanism was made illegal in 2013, and resulted in the undisputed “landslide” victory. There was no “evidence” that the MDC could present in court to prove that the vote had indeed been rigged.
I will reiterate again, that this is where the devil is in the detail. The votes counted at each polling station were indeed free, fair and accurate, as counted, signed and verified by each party’s election agent. The smoke and mirrors here came in the next step, which was the task of tallying the votes at ward and then constituency level. Each of Zimbabwe’s 210 constituencies has between 16 and 24 wards in each constituency, and each ward has anywhere between 2 to 10 polling stations. The manipulation of the overall votes came in adding up the votes from each polling station to give the total number of votes in each of the 210 constituencies. Let me explain myself in numbers by giving a theoretical case. Let’s say in Ward 1 we received the results from each of the following 3 polling stations for Zanu PF’s votes only:
Polling station A – 100 votes for Zanu PF
Polling station B – 200 votes for Zanu PF
Polling station C – 300 votes for Zanu PF
Then the total number of votes for Ward 1 = 100 + 200 + 300 = 600 votes for Zanu PF.
My question is quite simple. Who verified that the numbers received from Ward 1 polling stations A, B and C were indeed the 100 + 200 + 300 as signed off at each polling station by each election agent, and not 800 + 500 + 900? Which election agents from the opposition parties were present at the central tallying points when the votes from each polling station were being added up to get the sub-total for each of our 210 constituencies? This was made a matter of “NATIONAL SECURITY” as some of these central tallying points were in army barracks. What prevented the Zanu PF Election Committee (ZEC) from changing these numbers when there were no verification mechanisms in the central tallying points? This is how the votes were manipulated, not at polling station level, but at the tallying centres at constituency level under military supervision. If these had been checked and verified by the opposition election agents, the following anomalies would have stuck out like a sore thumb:
Examples of this voter tallying anomalies and manipulation:
Chikomba West Constituency – (35,255 voters as per 2013 voter’s register) – Zanu PF Votes 17,153
Ward 2 – Machoyi Sales Pen Tent – 24 votes
Ward 2 – Mboe Primary School – 92 votes
Ward 2 – Majumba Primary School – 116 votes
Nothing seems suspicious, right? Well take a closer look, the sum of two polling stations total the third polling station … 24 + 92 = 116.
If you thought the above anomaly was a one-off accident, you’re quite mistaken. Take a look at the following:
Goromonzi South Constituency – (36,789 voters as per 2013 voter’s register) – Zanu PF Votes 17,234
Ward 20 – Chiweshe Primary School – 191 votes
Ward 20 – Hatidani Primary School – 60 votes
Ward 20 – Jamaica Inn Training Centre – 251 votes
So again, when we take a closer look … 191 + 60 = 251.
The coincidence becomes a pattern, as just below that, we have the following number of votes in the same Goromonzi South constituency:
Ward 21 – Entre Rios Primary School – 144 votes
Ward 21 – Leicester Farm Shed – 167 votes
Ward 21 – Manor State Shed – 311 votes
Again, nothing suspicious, right? Well take a closer look … 144 + 167 = 311.
Anyone can verify the numbers above as I downloaded the National Constituency Assembly results, and the numbers above are taken directly from these. To prove my point, below is a snapshot from Goromonzi South Constituency I’ve shown above. The first votes column is for MDC-T, the second votes column is for Zanu PF, the numbers for Entre Rios (144), Leicester Farm (167) and Manor State (311) are there for all to see. Please dispute the numbers and facts and explain how these votes were not manipulated.
Let’s take a step back for a minute, maybe it was just a coincidence. Let’s use basic mathematical probability to see how probable it was for such an event to occur. Out of 1200 wards in Zimbabwe, the probability of the sum of votes from two polling stations, being exactly equal to a third position is about 1/1200. The probability of this event occurring twice is (1/1200)*(1/1200) = 1/1,440,100. That’s one in a million. The probability of this event occurring three times is (1/1200)*(1/1200)*(1/1200) = 1/1,728,000,000 or the proverbial 1 in a billion. That’s how improbable it was. So, if you’re still not convinced, continue reading and you will see some more improbable voting patterns that prove beyond a shadow of doubt, that the vote tallying was manipulated, and the 2013 election was rigged.
How to prevent this form of rigging:
A copy or the polling station results, as signed off by all parties, should be attached to the final tally number per ward, and per constituency. All parties should be able to check the authenticity of the tallied results with their respective election agents at each polling station. All parties should be allowed to take photos of the results as posted outside each polling station and these should be tallied independently and verified by the opposition parties. If the 2013 election was a “resounding” victory, then Zanu PF should put their money where their mouth is and allow this to happen.
4. Voter Register was key to setting up the rigging scheme
For the above elaborate system to succeed, the voter register had to be manipulated in order not to raise any suspicion with the manipulated vote tallying described above. If you go by the national census of 2012, Zimbabwe’s voting population (adults above 18) was approximately 6 million. Now, according to the same national census, there were 2,742,663 adults between the ages of 18-29, yet only 822,239 appeared on the 2013 voter’s register. Almost 2 million young voters in the age bracket of 18-29 went “missing” during the 2013 election. One might erroneously dismiss this as voter apathy amongst the young, but how do you then explain an extra 800,000 people between the ages of 30-50 on the 2013 voter’s register that were not part of the 2012 national census? And who genuinely believes that Zimbabwe has 341,003 people aged over 80?
If you add up the 800,000 extra, non-existent voters between the ages of 30-50, and another 200,000 non-existent voters over the age of 80, you get an extra 1,000,000, or the magic million.
And coincidently, Zanu PF “won” the 2013 elections by about 1 million votes. This extra 1 million was distributed among the 210 constituencies in Zimbabwe through the delimitation exercise, and was mainly “stuffed” in Mashonaland East, West, Central and Manicaland. This becomes self-evident when you realise that the delimitation exercise carried out in 2008 had set an average of 24,000 voters per constituency. Yet come 2013 Zanu PF had up to 35,000 registers voters in their “stronghold” constituencies of Mashonaland East, Mashonaland Central and Mashonaland West, Manicaland and Masvingo. Coincidentally these were the areas that suffered the most killings, kidnapping and torture after they voted the wrong way in 2008. In 2013, this was made a no-go area to the opposition parties.
The opposition’s biggest error was to let Zanu PF do as they please in these “swing states”. In this way Zanu PF was able to manipulate the tallying of votes I’ve described above at constituency level to overinflate these numbers in their “strongholds”. The biggest anomaly which coincided with other high numbers of “registered” voters, was the almost identical voting numbers in the same constituency between different polling stations within the same/different wards. Take a look at the anomalies I unearthed after the next paragraph and see if you can spot the pattern of the number of votes “won” by the Zanu PF candidate at each polling station. Only die-hard Zanu PF supporters, maC10 and other intellectually challenged individuals, will argue that the 2013 elections were not rigged.
How to prevent this form of rigging:
EVERYONE should register to vote, especially the youth between 18 and 29 that make up the bulk of the voting population. The new biometric voter’s register should be checked by all parties, ward-by-ward, poll station by poll station to ensure no over-registering of ghost voters. Three months should be given for all parties to check and verify the voter’s register before signing it off as OK as this is the key to preventing rigging. A master copy of the poll based voter’s register should be uploaded onto the ZEC website for scrutiny by the public at large and not just the political parties.
Conclusion
The opposition alliance needs to get its act together like yesterday. Zimbabwe cannot afford another 5 years of misery. Some of us are going to grow old having only known suffering under this Kleptocracy. We deserve better. I will summarize the three key reforms that will put spanners in the Zanu PF Election Committee (ZEC) rigging machinery:
1.       Limit maximum number of voters per polling station to 700 for a 12-hour voting window
2.       Even distribution of polling stations per polling station, a minimum of 2,175 polling stations for Harare Metropolitan area
3.       The ZEC shall provide location, addresses and GPS coordinates of all polling stations at least 3 months before the election
4.       The ZEC shall provide a poll station based Voter’s register which shall be checked and verified by all parties in the election, signed off and stamped as being true and correct. Without a credible voter’s register, there can be no credible 2018 election
5.       Polling station results as verified, stamped and signed by election agents shall be made public
6.       Voter tallying at central locations shall be witnessed by all opposition parties’ representatives and shall be verified against polling station results as posted outside each polling station
The above are the real key reforms that need to be implemented to prevent a repeat of the 2013 election rigging. To those still in doubt about whether the Zanu PF Election Committee (ZEC) rigged the 2013 election, please kindly explain the following voter patterns that are a clear sign of vote tallying manipulation.
Anomalies found in the final 2013 election results which show vote tally manipulation.
Anyone can verify and check the anomalies I have listed below from the ZEC’s website:
http://www.zec.gov.zw/download/category/54-national-assembly-provincial-results
Simply click on the link above, then under “National Assembly Provincial Results”, click on the province MASHONALAND EAST, and then download or open the pdf for the CHIKOMBA WEST and GOROMONZI SOUTH constituency. The site may experience “technical difficulties” once this article is published.
MASHONALAND CENTRAL (As per 2013 Voter’s Register – 603,639 voters)
The biggest anomaly was the high number of “registered” voters and almost identical voting numbers in the same constituency between different polling stations within the same/different wards.
Bindura North Constituency – (37,387 voters as per 2013 voter’s register) – Zanu PF “won” 23,937 votes
Ward 1 – Banwell Farm – 398 votes
Ward 2 – Azikara Farm Tent – 398 votes
Ward 7 – Chipadze High – 374 votes
Ward 8 – Marian Primary School – 375 votes
Ward 2 – Matepatepa Country Club – 593 votes
Ward 1 – Bindura Hospital – 594 votes
Ward 11 – Makwinja Street Open Space – 594 votes
Ward 5 – St Basil’s Primary School – 594 votes
Ward 1 – Bindura Primary School – 595 votes
Bindura South Constituency – (30,940 as per 2013 voter’s register) – Zanu PF Votes “won” 21,297
Anomalies of identical or almost identical voting numbers at different polling stations in the same/different ward within the same constituency:
Ward 8 – Burnside Primary – 413 votes
Ward 14 – Musana Primary School – 413 votes
MASHONALAND EAST (As per 2013 Voter’s Register – 724,402 voters)
Goromonzi South Constituency – (36,789 as per 2013 voter’s register) – Zanu PF “won” 17,234 votes
Anomalies of identical or almost identical voting numbers at different polling stations in the same/different ward within the same constituency:
Ward 22 – Dana B Shed – 213 votes
Ward 17 – Mushonganyika Farm – 215 votes
Ward 23 – Muza Store Tent – 215 votes
Ward 20 – Nehanda Primary School – 216 votes
Ward 23 – Harveysdale Shed – 218 votes
Murehwa South Constituency – (29,367 voters as per 2013 voter’s register) – Zanu PF “won” 17,368 votes
Anomalies of identical or almost identical voting numbers at different polling stations in the same/different ward within the same constituency:
Ward 17 – Chipinda Primary School – 379 votes
Ward 17 – Maponongwe Primary School – 379 votes
Ward 22 – Chirunji Primary School – 553 votes
Ward 22 – Rufaro Primary School – 553 votes
Mutoko East Constituency – (26,211 voters as per 2013 voter’s register) – Zanu PF “won” 15,064 votes
Anomalies of identical or almost identical voting numbers at different polling stations in the same/different ward within the same constituency:
Ward 18 – Gibson B/Centre Tent – 166 votes
Ward 18 – Kangoza B/Centre Tent – 168 votes
Ward 13 – Mudzonga Primary School – 192 votes
Ward 13 – Rutsito DDF Camp Tent – 195 votes
Ward 15 – Chapanduka B/Centre Tent – 215 votes
Ward 15 – NyajinhaVillage Tent – 218 votes
Ward 17 – Mushimbo B/Centre Shed – 219 votes
Ward 9 – Mbudzi B/Centre Tent – 405 votes
Ward 16 – Madzande B/Centre Shop – 410 votes
Ward 17 – Mushimbo Primary School – 411 votes
Ward 18 – Mapona B/Centre – 464 votes
Ward 18 – Chisambiro Primary School – 468 votes
Ward 19 – Chidye Primary School – 495 votes
Ward 19 – Domborinenhiwi Primary School – 499 votes
Mutoko South Constituency – (30,478 voters as per 2013 voter’s register) – Zanu PF “won” 20,944 votes
Anomalies of identical or almost identical voting numbers at different polling stations in the same/different ward within the same constituency:
Ward 25 – Nyadhiri Mission Primary School – 171 votes
Ward 25 – CharumbiraVillage Tent – 175 votes
Ward 26 – Nyamudeza B/Centre Tent – 373 votes
Ward 26 – Village 20 Tent – 375 votes
Ward 29 – Ruvimbo Secondary School – 376 votes
Ward 29 – Dombodzvipa Secondary School – 379 votes
Ward 28 – Chinyika Primary School – 614 votes
Ward 26 – Corner Store B/Centre Shop – 618 votes
MIDLANDS
Chirumanzi-Zibagwe West Constituency – (35,255 voters as per voter’s register) – Zanu PF “won” 17,153 votes
Anomalies of identical or almost identical voting numbers at different polling stations in the same/different ward within the same constituency:
Ward 20 – Driefontein A Primary School – 155 votes
Ward 10 – England Primary School – 156 votes
Ward 19 – Manyora Homestead Tent – 158 votes
Ward 2 – Rockvale Farm Tent – 172 votes
Ward 24 – St Theresa Primary School – 173 votes
Ward 1 – Milsonia Village 9 Tent – 177 votes
Ward 15 – Gangarabwe Primary School – 178 votes
Ward 11 – Chitenderano Primary School – 179 votes
Ward 16 – Chishuku Primary School – 373 votes
Ward 2 – Chimwaoga Primary School – 375 votes
Ward 31 – Creek Delvillewood Homestead – 376 votes
Ward 20 – Ortons Drift Secondary School – 379 votes
Chiwundura Constituency – (33,506 votes as per voter’s register) – Zanu PF “won” 11,550 votes
Anomalies of identical or almost identical voting numbers at different polling stations in the same/different ward within the same constituency:
Ward 5 – Senda A Secondary School – 330 votes for Zanu PF
Ward 14 – Hwahwa Primary Schopol – 331 votes for Zanu PF
Ward 11 – Mkoba A Golf Course Tent – 234 votes for Zanu PF
Ward 11 – Mkoba C Golf Course Club House – 247 votes for Zanu PF
Ward 11 – Muchakata Community Hall – 237 votes for Zanu PF
Ward 11 – Mkoba B Golf Course Tent – 238 votes for Zanu PF
Gokwe Nembudziya Constituency – (28,601 voters as per voter’s register) – Zanu PF “won” 12,551 votes
Anomalies of identical or almost identical voting numbers at different polling stations in the same/different ward within the same constituency:
Ward 25 – Mpungwe BH Tent – 105 votes
Ward 26 – Chikarimatsito Primary School – 105 votes
Ward 26 – Mupakwa BH Primary School – 105 votes