1st TV Journalist Violet Gonda recently spoke to former prime minister and MDC-T President Morgan Tsvangirai in his first extensive interview since the July 31 harmonised elections. The wide-ranging interview includes the way forward for his party, the controversial mayoral elections, and the MDC-T leadership issue.
VIOLET GONDA: Mr. Tsvangirai can you begin by giving us an overview of the current situation in your party, and the mood in the MDC following the elections?
MORGAN TSVANGIRAI: My party went into the election with a vibrant expectation of victory, which was short-changed and therefore there has been a national mourning in the country and what we’ve been trying to do is to inspire people to say that the victory was stolen but it has not been abandoned. And that we cannot be captive to despondence and despair so we are on resurgence, we are trying to ensure that the party does not become defunct, it has to research and continue with the struggle, which it set out to do.
Violet: You appointed a shadow cabinet. Can you tell us what they are going to be doing?
TSVANGIRAI: Well, a shadow cabinet is exactly what it is, it is not the executive of state, it is the executive of a party which is an alternative to the ruling party and we appoint people to give an alternative view to whatever the government is doing. It’s an alternative government policing program – that if President Mugabe announces his policy programme it is subjected to opposition scrutiny, giving the people of Zimbabwe an alternative. We are actually an alternative government and therefore we must demonstrate to the people of Zimbabwe what we are capable of doing.
Violet: How are they going to make a difference in the lives of Zimbabweans?
TSVANGIRAI: They are going to make a very significant contribution, remember that we control local authorities, we are in parliament, we have got spaces that we can occupy that can demonstrate that in spite of the fact that we don’t control the state, we can contribute positively to the lives of Zimbabweans.
Violet: People are talking about this new shadow cabinet and if I can just read some of the comments on Facebook: Some say ‘the MDC-T shadow cabinet is the same as the dead-wood in the Zanu PF cabinet and that most of the appointees are the same people who failed to push for reforms when they were ministers in the GNU’, your response to this?Advertisement
TSVANGIRAI: The men and women we have appointed to shadow Zanu PF functions are not deadwood. If you say that the ministerial material that has been appointed, which was responsible for the arresting of the decay that had engulfed the nation is a deadwood, I don’t know who else you can point as new ideas. Besides, these are people in parliament. We did not appoint anyone who is outside parliament because these are supposed to be the parliamentary spokespersons for particular portfolios. We need to articulate our alternative view in parliament and hence all those people who have been appointed are actually members of parliament.
Violet: Except people who will be in the planning commission. They are not in parliament.
TSVANGIRAI: The people who are in the planning commission are going to be talking about planning, they are not in government, they are a commission signed for a specific responsibility, to plan for an MDC government and they will not be a part of the shadow cabinet. And just to demonstrate that these are the senior leaders of the party and that they can set their minds and time on what sort of plans can be put in place. So for anyone to criticize them as deadwood, I don’t know if you would expect a cabinet to be appointed from the moon. We are appointing a cabinet from the calibre of the MPs we’ve got and I’m sure compared that to Zanu PF we have the best people forward.
Violet: What do you make of the new Zanu PF cabinet?
TSVANGIRAI: I can only conclude that it is a political cabinet intended to resolve some of their own internal squabbles, it has nothing to do with motivating or revitalising the economy because I don’t see any of the policies that would revitalise and build confidence in the economy. It is not talking about how they are going to create jobs, it is not talking about how they are going to intervene in various social sectors, all they talk about is redistribution and I don’t know anywhere in the world where you’ve heard re-distributive policies without production policies.
Violet: This new shadow cabinet of yours…
TSVANGIRAI: What do you mean ‘this cabinet of yours’?
Violet: … Which you appointed. Had you won would they have been your cabinet?
TSVANGIRAI: Well, there would have been a wide range of experiences outside. There are people who are outside that shadow cabinet who lost because of the stolen election who would have made it. I had a wide berth amongst our parliamentary candidates to choose from.
Violet: What did you make of President Mugabe’s opening of parliament speech highlighting the major issues that will be discussed in the new parliament.
TSVANGIRAI: In my own assessment I think it was more of the same. There is no inspiration as to how the economy is going to be tackled. The same right wing nationalist mantra was being promulgated as if we are scoring points with anyone – this whole talk about taking from Peter to give to Paul without understanding the damage that has already been done. There is no inspiration about how food security is going to be achieved. How the young people – the majority of the population who are educated and unable to find employment -are going to find some relief if at all, it’s the same old regurgitation of the old Mugabe.
Violet: What did you make of his zero tolerance statement on corruption and that former ZMDC head Godwills Masimirembwa had illegally pocketed millions dollars from a Ghanaian firm?
TSVANGIRAI: Violet, the proof of the pudding is in the eating. President Mugabe and his Zanu PF ministers prevented the anti-corruption commission from investigating Kasukuwere, to investigate Mpofu, to investigate Goche for corruption, and Chombo for corruption. What other measure would you expect other than past corrupt practices. Masimirembwa has just become a victim of a broad conspiracy of corruption, so he has just become one of the victims; he’s a small fly in the whole corrupt machinery of Zanu PF
Violet: Why did your party boycott the opening ceremony?
TSVANGIRAI: My party took a position that the question of illegitimacy must continue to be the public narrative, nothing more, and nothing less.
Violet: But don’t you think you would have been more effective if you had participated and perhaps walked out during …
TSVANGIRAI: You can’t determine the tactics, the tactics are determined by our parliamentary caucus, they will be going back to parliament to do what you are saying, to raise the issues in debate and that’s their role.
Violet: So they boycotted the opening of parliament where Mugabe set out what is going to be discussed in this next session of parliament. So why boycott when you are going to do the work?
TSVANGIRAI: But of course the Presidential address is not a secret, it’s there. They’ll read the transcript and they respond to the script. I don’t even think that we can give it the decency of responding to an empty script.
Violet: Wouldn’t it have been more effective if they had walked out during President Mugabe’s speech?
TSVANGIRAI: Well it’s a criticism that has no basis. It’s a criticism that goes to the point of wanting us to legitimise the illegitimate – is that what you expect us to do?
Violet: You recently said you would take proof of a fraudulent electoral process to SADC, when are you planning to do that?
TSVANGIRAI: It’s a question of seeking the appointments, you know that September is a bad month – all the heads of state will be heading to New York for the United Nations General Assembly. So I will be following up on that. There’s no push to do it this week, next week but we will definitely be following up appointments with SADC heads of state.
Violet: Given that SADC has endorsed the polls what can they, realistically, do?
TSVANGIRAI: Well I don’t expect them to do anything because they were misinformed. I expect them to understand the context of the election rigging that took place in Zimbabwe and to highlight the fact that the whole democratisation process in Africa has been threatened by the elections in Zimbabwe because who is going to lose an election in the face of that.
Violet: But what will you expect them to do after that?
TSVANGIRAI: Well, it’s up to them. They were the guarantors for the Global Political Agreement. If they decide to ignore it and proceed on the basis that they have endorsed and there’s nothing that they can do, it’s their choice. But I would have drawn to their attention that it is a wrong conclusion based on wrong information.
Violet: In hindsight do you think you should have boycotted the elections?
TSVANGIRAI: There is no way I would have stopped the election from proceeding. Why? Because the peoples’ overwhelming momentum to have the election was very loud and clear and I would not have stopped that.
Violet: Were you not warned by some people in your party, including those in SADC, to boycott the elections?
TSVANGIRAI: No there was no consideration of boycotting of elections. There was no information from SADC to boycott the elections. If at all, SADC was here to ensure that the election would be conducted in a manner, which they expected would produce some semblance of freeness and fairness.
Violet: Still your critics says you should never has participated without a voters’ roll.
TSVANGIRAI: It’s not Tsvangirai who was going to an election, it’s the people of Zimbabwe whose overwhelming demand was an election – and for a voters roll to be available at four o’clock on the day of voting, how would you have boycotted it?
Violet: Without this electronic copy of the voters’ roll can you compile the necessary proof that you want to give to SADC? Where is this proof to show that the elections were stolen?
TSVANGIRAI: We’ve got our means of compiling the information that is available, we’ve all the means available to show what happened to the voters’ roll, what happened to the ballots, what happened to the level of securitisation of the process, what happened to the rural areas in terms of assisted voters. All that information is available, we had 210 constituencies, we are challenging over a hundred, and the evidence is overwhelming.
Violet: So why couldn’t you use all this evidence that you have in your court challenge?
TSVANGIRAI: The first point is that information cannot be speculative. We asked ZEC to provide us with the official figures, they didn’t. We went to court to obtain official figures – they postponed the decision. So it affected the whole application. ZEC has a responsibility of publishing information. It should be in the public domain, why they were refusing actually set the whole thing into suspicion. So we were very concerned about that and therefore the process itself was already subverted before we even approached the bench so what was the need of proceeding when the process itself was not fair?
Violet: Looking forward, what roll can the MDC play in the coming five years to help promote stability, growth and democracy given the overwhelming majority that Zanu PF has in Parliament?
TSVANGIRAI: Democracy is not built by a few members of parliament. Democracy is built in the communities. The MDC represents the democratic aspiration of the people of Zimbabwe. It still remains the embodiment of that aspiration, whether they have a majority of parliamentarians or not, we are a reality that is there; we are going to mobilise people to continue the democratic struggle, to continue the on democratic path. The fact that Zanu PF has two-thirds majority is neither here nor there.
Violet: If Zanu PF has rigged this election and the elections before, and will control all election bodies in 2018 how can there be hope for a free and fair election in Zimbabwe?
TSVANGIRAI: That is the basis why the next elections cannot be allowed to be conducted in the manner in which the 2013 elections were conducted. And by then, obviously, the conditions have to be examined, whether it is in the interests of promoting democracy for us to participate in the next election. And the people will actually know what happened in 2013 for them to come to a conclusion. What we don’t want is a minority to define the destiny of the country using undemocratic means.
Violet: But what can your party do because we have heard this before – in 2002, 2005, 2008 and now in 2013 – that Zanu PF stole these elections. So what are you going to do that will be different?
TSVANGIRAI: Violet, one thing that you must appreciate is that the role of the MDC in the politics of the country has defined what democracy is and what democracy is not. Our people cannot give up hope for democratic change on the basis that it was subverted in 2002, in 2005. We beat Zanu PF in 2008 – don’t you recall that? What happened in 2008 was that Mugabe was defeated but he refused to concede power so it’s not a question of just elections but also a question of power game.
Violet: That is my point exactly. You say you have won all these elections in the past but still Mugabe refuses to concede defeat like what happened in 2008. So what will you do to ensure that this will not happen again?
TSVANGIRAI: Well, the question that happens is that you can never show your strategies what you are going to do until you reach that point. You can’t say I’m going to take up this to do that. We are saying here we are building a struggle for democracy and that MDC has broken a lot of barriers to undemocratic behaviour of this government and that Zanu PF cannot in the future continue to use the same tactics.
Violet: Were you caught napping this time around? Because some observers say the last five years gave Zanu PF time to regroup while they used the MDC-T to rebuild the country. That you didn’t give yourself time to campaign or to mobilise your supporters to register to vote, but Zanu PF was able to do all this during this period. Do you agree with this?
TSVANGIRAI: That’s not an analysis, that’s an opinion and that opinion is so far misplaced from reality. Mugabe was not building Zanu PF. Can’t you understand that this election was militarised? It was not even a civilian party – that’s why some of the Zanu PF ministers are surprised that they actually won the election. This had nothing to do with the civilian party; this was an intra-Zanu PF succession battle, which had nothing to do with MDC. We did our part to respond to the peoples’ plight and in the process the people themselves, 85% believe that we made a positive contribution to the inclusive government. It had nothing to do with civilian politics.
Violet: Mr. Tsvangirai are you saying Mugabe rigged throughout the whole country, and that you did nothing wrong as a party?
TSVANGIRAI: Oh no we are not saying that! We are not saying the MDC party is crying foul and therefore want an MDC victory, no. We are saying that the conditions must be free, credible, fair and legitimate. In this case there was something that would have helped us, certainly organisationally, there is something that we introspected ourselves and we will correct that. But that that did not contribute to the massive loss that has been demonstrated.
Violet: So can you elaborate on that particular issue?
TSVANGIRAI: Well organisations have got their own internal weaknesses, selection of candidates, and disputes around that.
Violet: On the issue of organisational problems – is that the same problem we are seeing with the mayoral elections? Is this why some of your councillors voted for Zanu PF mayors?
TSVANGIRAI: There are three towns. Don’t brush it aside and say ‘some’, there are three towns, Redcliff, Kwekwe and Victoria Falls and we know what happened in those cities. What happened is that Mpofu paid people in Victoria Falls, Zanu PF paid people in Redcliff, and another one Mupfumi who is a bus company owner in Mutare paid there. We know that there is a level of poverty that is amongst our people but it’s not just a question of poverty. It is also a question of accountability and that is now what we are assessing. We are assessing why those councillors behaved in that manner and we are getting a report from our provincial councils, our district councils and our ward councils who actually sent those people to townhouse. So we’ll be getting the reports and sure, action will be taken because we cannot have people who pretend to be MDC when they are actually sympathetic Zanu PF.
Violet: So you are saying your councillors voted for these mayors because Zanu PF bought them off?
TSVANGIRAI: In Victoria Falls there were seven councillors for MDC and three councillors for Zanu PF, all you needed there was three councillors from Zanu PF and three or four from MDC. That’s all they targeted, and you go and ask yourself why individuals behave in such an opportunistic manner. In Chitungwiza for instance, we know two councillors who actually said ‘I was given money by Zanu PF – $500 each to vote against my own party’s position’. So the level of subversion also exploits the poverty that Zanu PF has created.
Violet: But Mr. Tsvangirai even our viewers believe that this had to also do with the imposition of candidates?
TSVANGIRAI: Oh, far from it! There has never been anyone that has been imposed. We go into caucus like any other party, elect the mayor, elect the deputy mayor in caucus and then we go into the chamber and vote differently. So where is the imposition? I mean, let’s be fair. Here I’ve got a young man, Kombai in Gweru, he was elected as deputy mayor, he buys suits for everyone and when you go to the chamber he is elected mayor. I mean how do you have such degeneration of indiscipline? So it’s not about imposition.
Violet: What about infighting/factionalism because in Mutare they say it was as a result of divisions between the Giles Mutsekwa and Arnold Tsunga camps?
TSVANGIRAI: Again this is a misrepresentation, this is just one constituency -Chikanga /Dangamvura is one constituency. There’s a whole Mutare urban, which is another constituency. This division had nothing to do with the fight between Mutsekwa and Tsunga – if at all it had everything to do with the subversion by one Mupfumi who owns bus companies, who was going around the town saying this Nyambarare young man is ‘bhora mugedhi’. So the level of subversion has to do with monetary benefits. It had nothing to do with the division between Tsunga and Mutsekwa.
Violet: What does this say about the calibre of some of your officials especially in these councils if they can be bought off like that?
TSVANGIRAI: It puts into question that perhaps there should have been a much more thorough vetting exercise in choosing the candidates. You never know what happens at ward level. So all it has shown is the level of opportunism that sometimes characterises some of these candidates and sure we have to strengthen our internal mechanism to make sure that those people are weeded out before they even take that responsibility.
Violet: So what action are you going to take?
TSVANGIRAI: Well, we are going to receive a report from all the four provinces detailing what happened and they are coming out with representations as a result of discussion by the ward structures, which elected those councillors and then we will take an executive decision. But remember that this time is different. It’s unlike past times when councillors are fired – Chombo would protect them. This time the party has the right of recall.
Violet: How do you respond to observers who say what is happening shows that the MDC-T is imploding and there is a serious leadership crisis?
TSVANGIRAI: There is nothing like that. A few people cannot undermine the whole thrust of the movement which is so vibrant. I mean it’s a question of indiscipline and we’ll deal with it, but to conclude that this is an implosion is far from it.
Violet: So why is it that party the leadership has been quiet since elections were held in July?
TSVANGIRAI: We have not been quiet, we’ve had our national executive retreat, we’ve had our national council retreat, we’ve had two council meetings to review our election performance and outcome and the implication for the future. We’ve been to Mutare for our 14th anniversary to state what the way forward is and we have been engaging all our councillors to say what is the agenda for our councils so that we can pursue an MDC policy and programme to deliver. So we have not been quiet.
Violet: Asi Mr. Tsvangirai kushaya here kana outcry kuti murikuti makabirwa? Where is the outcry even from your supporters? If indeed Mugabe stole the elections why did you give in just like that? Why didn’t you even mobilise your supporters to take to the streets?
TSVANGIRAI: To take to the streets to achieve what?
Violet: … to show your anger?
TSVANGIRAI: (laughs) Violet, you see, strategy is not about acting on emotion. Strategy is about acting with conviction. We told our people we’ll re-engage our people, we’ll mobilise them properly but to have instant responses as you are suggesting I think it’s the most reckless suggestion I have ever heard.
Violet: I am not suggesting this. Some of your members and officials like Roy Bennett have …(interrupted)
TSVANGIRAI: Roy Bennet is suggesting that we should set a government in exile, that’s anger, it’s not conviction.
Violet: Why is there no commitment for passive resistance?
TSVANGIRAI: But why should passive resistance be a subject of public discussion? If you are going to engage in mobilising people in passive resistance, it has to be a sustained process, and that’s what we are engaged in.
Violet: But Mr. Tsvangirai if you say you have the support of the people, how credible is that claim when you can’t mobilise people to go to the streets, to at least demonstrate that you are not happy with the way things are being run in the country?
TSVANGIRAI: I don’t know Violet whether your benchmark of support of the people is based on putting people on the street, that’s not my assessment and definitely that’s not the assessment of the people of Zimbabwe on the ground.
Violet: I am sure you have heard some saying in terms of the party moving forward you need to step down. How do you respond to this?
TSVANGIRAI: I was not elected by the people in the media. I was elected by the people in a formal congress three years ago, I am due to review my mandate in 2016, if there is demand for an extraordinary congress because of the so- called leadership crisis, so be it. I have actually been encouraged in council that the issue of leadership and organisational renewal must be debated by all structures throughout the country and the debate is going on. And if there is a demand for Tsvangirai to step aside, I will definitely oblige. I am not going to stay a day longer than the people’s wishes but let’s make a distinction. I’m not going to step aside just because one or two people say step aside. It doesn’t work in a democracy, it doesn’t work like that. It is irresponsible; it is betrayal of the people to leave them in the lurch before you have actually set in process a debating issue and actually ensuring the party and the organisation is strengthened rather that weakened.
Violet: You know you were quoted by NewsDay telling supporters in December: “We don’t want to build parties that have no future and that will die with me. If I lose the next election I will step down and pass the baton. That is democracy and continuity.” Were you quoted out of context here?
TSVANGIRAI: Well I don’t know where that was quoted. I don’t think I was that categoric. I said that there is no intention of having people dying in office. I’m still committed to that, our party is a democratic party; it has a right to review its position that is what is taking place Violet. If the people think that I am a liability to the continued struggle for democracy in the country, so be it. There is a platform. There are national executive meetings, there are council meetings, there are congresses, that can be called but we don’t want to kill the party just to satisfy the individual who says Tsvangirai should go. If I go tomorrow, does that strengthen the MDC or it weaken it? Those are the issues that should seriously be looked in the eye and discussed.
Violet: Lets look at this scenario. If you are elected in 2018 it means you will stay for another five years. That means you would have been the leader of the MDC-T for 24 years. How different is that from Mugabe who has been leader of one party since 1980?
TSVANGIRAI: No, he has not been leader of one party since 1980. That is a misrepresentation of the truth. How long has Mugabe been in the struggle, how long has he been in government? Totalise that, is it not over fifty years? So there is no comparison here. We are in a struggle, the people still believe that the struggle has to continue and believe in the MDC, it’s not about the individual; it’s about executing the struggle.
Violet: So in terms of your position in the MDC, the struggle will only end when you are in government?
TSVANGIRAI: No I didn’t say that! I said the people will define, I told you about the internal debate and discourse that is taking place. If people think that they can take the struggle forward in the manner in which they themselves are satisfied, without necessarily talking about individuals, because you know one of the things people have to be aware of is that some of us have made so much sacrifice. We are not going to say because of one or two comments therefore we are going to abandon and betray the people. The people must understand that the struggle has to continue with or without me until change is achieved. So it’s not about the individual and don’t attribute the current election to Tsvangirai leadership failure, there is no such thing.
Violet: We talked a bit about the divisions in some of the MDC structures, like in Mutare, but at a leadership level people continue to talk about problems between you, Tendai Biti and Nelson Chamisa. It’s said Chamisa heads your faction while Biti leads the other camp…
TSVANGIRAI: Those kinds of talk are what I call speculative talks. We sit in the standing committee every Wednesday, we sit in the executive together, we strategize together so where is the division? The division is when people start breaking away. At the moment the party is united, all these are speculative stories about divisions. There is no problem between me and the secretary general of the party. We are working together to execute the mandate. If there’s any division that you’re talking about, yes of course you can have divisions at the lower echelons of the party in the provinces, yes they could be there, I’m not dismissing it – but these are matters that the leadership has to deal with. Matters of indiscipline, matters of party unity and party purpose, these are matters of leadership and which organisation does not suffer from these kinds of ills? Zanu PF? We can’t even talk about that.
Violet: Looking back on the Inclusive Government, with hindsight what would you have done differently within that arrangement given the way things have turned out?
TSVANGIRAI: The only disappointment I have with the inclusive government is as we were pushing for the reform agenda, Zanu PF was resisting and there was no mechanism to institute or leverage either on the part of SADC or anyone to enforce agreements. That was a weakness and that’s what I regret because if those agreements were enforced, surely, a reform agenda would have cleared a lot of these hurdles that we faced at elections. So to me that is the only disappointment.
Violet: You often talked of your trust and understanding of President Mugabe, who you have now accused of stealing the elections. So do you feel betrayed by him?
TSVANGIRAI: No, I feel that he was insincere, I feel that all the confidence we had invested in and ensuring that the Government of National Unity works because it would not have worked without the cooperation of the two parties and the two leaders. And we made progress when we were cooperating to achieve social intervention, to stabilise the economy and to make sure things were working. But the moment Mugabe was thinking about winning the election by whatever means demonstrated his insincerity.
Violet: Did he approach you after the elections or when he was picking his new cabinet?
TSVANGIRAI: No, no there has not been any communication. I hoped that the President and the former Prime Minister would have an opportunity again for the good of the country to iron out some of these outstanding issues because they are definitely going to affect the confidence and the economic take of the country.
Violet: There are a lot of things that have not been done, the reforms you mentioned. How are your parliamentarians going to push for some of these issues, such as media reforms, when they are now in the minority?
TSVANGIRAI: Well, the minority is a voice in a parliament and those are some of the tasks that we have assigned our parliamentary caucus, our parliamentary team. Obviously they have an uphill task but they will raise the issues because they know the issues and we hope that they’ll be able to drive an agenda, which seeks to level the playing field.
Violet: Any regrets?
TSVANGIRAI: Regrets about what?
Violet: About what happened in the last five years and where are you at now?
TSVANGIRAI: Well, my only regret is that when we were talking about a transition, we were talking about a transition to democracy. The regret that I have is that this is a flawed transition because of the subversion that Mugabe has instituted against the will of the people. Remember that the cardinal thing why people went to fight in the war was one-man one-vote or one person, one vote. What is now obtained is that it is a subversion of the cardinal principle that drove people to go and fight for independence. Now you don’t want one person, one vote, now you want one person I think fifty votes, hundred votes. The whole principle of democracy is based on one person, one vote and I was hoping that this inclusive government would act as a transition to a better Zimbabwe. But as it were, the game is a power game; Mugabe decided to fight for retention of power rather than giving people a democratic alternative.
Violet: I am sure you have heard your critics say one of the reasons you failed this time around is because of how you campaigned and weak policies. That the Zanu PF message was clear but MDC-T policies were not and that you focused too much on Mugabe’s age – saying that this 89-year-old man is tired and must go. Do you accept this?
TSVANGIRAI: No, no, no. We announced an upliftment programme, a jobs plan; we announced a rural transformation plan. If you say people voted honestly on the question of the manifesto and principles, why would people vote for loss of jobs? Why would the young people who are roaming the streets – educated and unemployed – so despondent today? So our policies at looking to revive the economy and creating jobs and making sure that all the dead cities can be revived was a better manifesto message than Zanu PF. If to all intents and purposes people were making judgements on these two without assisted voters, without driving the traditional leaders to drive their people to vote, without the military playing a role, without the question of ballot paper, without the question of voters roll, those were the contributing factors. They were not the question of choice; there was no free choice.
Violet: And finally, what is your message to your supporters as they face another five years of Zanu PF rule?
TSVANGIRAI: Well, the question is that, this is not an event. The struggle has never been about events, the struggle has always been about the determination of the people to achieve their goal. This is not the point of being captive to despondency, despair, and regret. We have fought for the last fourteen years a good fight, we are a credible alternative for the people, we represent, and we are an embodiment of the people’s aspirations so we’ll continue on that path. There’s no need to feel sorry, it’s not going to be five years – it’s going to be a struggle day in and day out. It’s not going to be an event of just waiting for elections. Why should we? Our people have been in this struggle, they have suffered and will continue to suffer for what they believe in.
TSVANGIRAI ON POLLS AND LEADERSHIP